Pedagogy as International Aid:

Australian Non Government Organisations in Cambodia

Presented to the AARE Conference, Adelaide, 30th November 1998.

John Maskell

Yooroang Garang

University of Sydney

Abstract

This paper presents preliminary findings and seeks to understand factors influencing the development and impact of Non Government Organisation (NGO) programs upon practices and pedagogy held by Khmer educators. As a particular site of teaching practice, this research considers teachers engaging the space between knowledge and aspirations of aid agencies and the needs of the learners.

This research examines the micro-political and pedagogical processes which shaped recent primary teacher inservice programs. Programs run jointly by the Cambodian Ministry of Education Youth and Sport and NGO's - such as Save the Children Fund Australia (SCFA funded by AusAID) and Cambodia Assistance to Primary Education (CAPE funded by USAID). In particular the focus is upon the contestation between non-government organisations in the provision of technical support for teacher education, and structural constraints of the Cambodian Education system.

Issues for investigation and discussion include: pedagogy and cultural appropriateness;

internationalisation of education and the role of foreign aid, modernity and the NGO `project' in shaping education in less developed countries.

Cambodia is a nation which finds itself nearing the third millenium without adequate funds to maintain basic education services for its population. Partly this is a result of postcolonial existence, although most "Cambodia watchers" (political historians such as Kiernan and Boua as well as Chandler) refer to the Pol Pot regime as the main reason for the "backwardness" of the systems of Government. Geoff Coyne emphasises the "transition stages" which contextualise the situation:

Prior to Pol Pot, the French administration had confined education to an essentially primary curriculum. The French had not established secondary schools for the population generally. (One school existed in Phnom Penh prior to independence). Ayres (1997:43-85) closely documents the critics of the French colonial administration as lacking the intention of educational development for the peasants. (Students were required to travel either Saigon, Hanoi or Paris to pursue further studies).

Cambodian teachers often have only one or two years more education than the students they teach.

Consequently teachers have minimal competency in their profession. This is not to suggest that teachers cannot teach, but their professional development is minimal. The subsequent lack of teacher competency over the decades has meant that Cambodian governments have been unable to improve teacher quality to any significant extent (McNamara:1997)(Shardlow:1993).

Documentation on Khmer teachers' knowledge attributes and teaching methodologies are not widely published. Several NGOs have commissioned reports on educational practices, these reports are mainly accessible in Phnom Penh. Shardlow (1993) conducted a substantive piece of research into teacher competency in Cambodia for Save The Children Fund (Australia) (SCFA). From this research an inservice teacher education project was developed and funded by UNICEF. The SCFA model operated for three years, then was adapted by a Consortium from USA in their bid to undertake a much larger education project to six provinces.

A number of NGO's in development education (O'Leary:1995)(Edwards&Hulme:1992) introduced adult learning practices mirroring Freirean methods (praxis and conscientization) (Freire 1970a, 1970b). Many international educators (not only Western) working for NGOs espoused these notions as necessary steps for educators to emerge from their oppressed position. (Ratnaike:1996)(Hope & Timmel:1984).

Story Number One:

Morning break at a Tutor Workshop in Tahk Mau

a group of senior teachers (tutors)

stand shaded by a heavily foliaged tree

their talk is lively and animated

I'm beckoned to join them

they cease their quarrelsome tones

"Tell us - as you will know -

how many steps in a lesson plan ?"

A defining moment in my learning about Khmer perspectives on pedagogy.

At the time it didn't seem so important, but perhaps I misunderstood the gravity of the question.

The Khmer tutors noticed my reticence to responding to the question - uncertainty - what happens if I give the wrong answer in their eyes. I answered their question with a vague suggestion that the number of steps could vary depending upon the approach being applied, a child-focussed pedagogy may require some flexibility.

From this episode I learned:

* an idea becomes ritual - no room for variance, ideas become rule-bound.

* once a set of procedures is put into effect - they must be followed to the letter.

Many of the Khmer tutors had attended training workshops with PASEC (French Government training). They had been taught how to plan lessons with four stages. With such rules being set out - there is the possibility of confusion.(NB:in 1996 there were fifty-two foreign NGOs in education).

The influence/power of the Ministry of Education Youth and Sport (MoEYS) at central, provincial and district level office(r)s was felt by NGOs in attempting to consult and implement programs.

The MoEYS was faced with an arrogance of NGO attitude towards implementation of educational provision. Some NGOs see the new territory of Cambodia as being on a mission - to do good, bring democratic and participatory processes. The interpretation made by NGO staff was that the MoEYS was being unnecessarily obstructive. Institutional cultural differences (misunderstandings? perhaps of an innocent nature) led to the Irish-based NGO CONCERN withdrawing from educational programs, and also to the closure of the CAPE project virtually one year after it began operations in 1996. At the provincial and district level NGOs had mixed success from province to province and district to district.

For example:

On another occasion:

The latter situation created a significant tension between Khmer teachers and NGO staff, and between NGO staff and MoEYS staff.

Patronage is another form of power and influence upon staff in the Ministry - either at central, provincial or district level. NGO's delivery of programs may oft depend on the ability of staff to anticipate the decision-making processes of officers. The reality of patronage meant that plans agreed to one day, were altered the next. Planning here is possibly a misnomer - NGO's planning was presented to the Ministry, but the MoEYS had obscure methods of decision-making, often overturning plans after conferring agreement. Patronage enabled some Khmer staff to influence decision-making, and to demand conditions prior to agreeing to matters.

Consultations with MoEYS staff are often confounded by language and interpretation difficulties - particularly concepts of education which are essentially foreign to Cambodia. Anecdotal information from NGO workers constructs a scenario suggesting that MoEYS staff placed metaphorical hurdles (barriers?) to frustrate program implementation, possibly in order to increase "the time needed to consider paperwork more closely".

This attitude from expatriate NGO staff is not surprising - as extending the time taken to implement a program could be translated as bureaucratic manoeuvering to increase Aid dollars as well as ensure individuals income ( A parallel example is that some political historians suggest the longevity of the civil war with the Khmer Rouge assisted to maintain overseas assistance).

Another aspect of power is the part played by pagodas and monks in education. Most males in Khmer society have spent a year being educated by monks at the Wat (temple -monastry).

Wats historically provided the entire education for males, prior to colonisation by the French in 1863. Reforms to pagoda education (in the Wat) was permitted by the French in the 1920's to modernise the curricula (Clayton:1995). Understandably a Khmer mans' perception of teaching may be influenced to reflect Buddhist practices in the transmission of knowledge. A Khmer woman is less likely to experience the teaching methods of the monks, as women are not educated in the Wat.

Thus the pagoda and village may create a site of conflict and concern as male teachers are confronted with traditional Buddhist practices of pedagogy and the (possibly) progressive views of empowering pedagogy presented by NGO educators.

The affect of NGO interaction upon the prestige of the Khmer educator is also a significant power relationship. Wages for teachers in Government schools was approximately $20 per month, whereas interpreters with CAPE were earning approximately four times this amount. Living was considerably easier for Khmer staff earning dollars via the NGO sector compared to virtually any public servant position (personal conversations with Khmer staff:1997).

The role of pedagogy in education is central to interaction and power relationship between foreign aid and Khmer teachers. Pedagogy is a development and empowerment strategy (Wils:1995; McTaggart:1993) (perhaps intrinsic to capacity building in development studies - Eade:1997). Pedagogical approaches of teacher educators depends partly on the context of their experience.

Most expatriate staff had worked in refugee camps, or in English teaching schools. Only a few had experience as teacher educators.This created minor conflicts amongst expatriate educators - the expectations of the teaching site may have varied resulting in variations in the interactive practice.

Story Number Two

Six expatriate NGO tutor trainers gathered,

planning for the next In-service Workshop,

some trainers are frustrated,

one seems angry

"How can I teach about conferencing when I don't understand it myself?"

Critical points in workshop planning were thoroughly discussed and reworked, so that each tutor could competently and confidently work closely with an interpreter and (train) a group of forty tutors - who in turn taught thirty teachers (a classic cascade model).

Pedagogy is posited in the influential space along with issues of globalisation and internationalisation of education. However, in the context of international assistance and educational provision in Cambodia, the issue of pedagogy and cultural appropriateness is elusive in textual sources.To reflect on this issue I am examining the interaction between agencies of foreign educational aid projects (NGOs) and Khmer educators involved in programs.

The outcomes of this investigation may illuminate the forces shaping the educational outcomes of that interaction. Constructing the various forces/voices/interpretations upon the interaction are issues such as patronage, religion, and personal power. Another issue of interaction is the ideology of the NGO educators - the way each engages the space between knowledge and the aspirations of aid agencies and the needs/aspirations of the learners.

Agencies such as UNICEF have been instrumental in funding proposals to provide capacity building in teacher education. Overseas Aid programs are constructed with close liaison to national Government bodies - i.e. AUSAid or USAID, and the constructed program is considered desirable by the Government accepting the overseas assistance or capacity building (the Government of Cambodia). Many international (or multinational/global) organisations have engaged in educational reforms in Cambodia during the past decade (fifty-two NGOs during 1996).

In the Cambodian context there are no apparent voices opposing the implementation of overseas aid for education, there is minimal reluctance to permit foreign pedagogical practices to influence Khmer teaching practice. (Except that there are pockets of resistance to the implementation schedules - explanations are sought but it seems MoEYS agenda is not clearly expressed or understood. There was a perception by NGO staff that political work became a major component of staff in the hierarchy of education.)

The NGO named "the Consortium" represented a group of three North American NGO's - World Education, Save The Children (USA) and World Learning. The Consortium implemented the project known as CAPE (Cambodia Assistance to Primary Education) from mid 1996 to mid 1997.The CAPE project is no longer operating. (I have been informed by a previous Director of the CAPE project that the project will not be refunded by USAID - it is defunct.)

NGOs have shifted practices towards collaborative methods over the past ten years, from a history of less connected theory and practice by "expert consultants". As stated earlier, empowerment and democracy is the intent of many Aid organisations (Hancock:1989;Kilby:1996).

Consultants reporting on program delivery and capacity building present assessments which are based on the criteria of the funding bodies - e.g. UNICEF, Asian Development Bank, World Bank -whichever funding body is measuring the outcomes. Reports appear to be written in a genre reflecting a global perspective with a technical-rational approach, tending to overlook the viewpoint of the Khmer educators.

Consider a typical comment from an NGO assessment team:

An alternative reading of the situation may suggest that teachers are practising methods which their principals and senior district officers consider traditional and praiseworthy. Hence there is probability of dissonance being experienced by teachers who are instructed to practice a method which is not readily respected within the village context.

Consider a Buddhist interpretation of the teachers role - the teacher is in transmission mode in similar ways to the Therevadan monk - processes of discovery or inquiry beyond the traditional are not encouraged. Buddhism is a conservative practice and a likely site of dissonance for the Khmer teacher who is adopting/adapting NGO-delivered pedagogy.

Such conflict or dissonance may arise in the participatory processes encouraged by NGO educators. Group decision-making processes and child-centred approaches to learning and teaching are likely to cause conflict. as examples of interactive or democratic processes which require a significant shift in philosophy.

Empowerment by education is deemed desirable for developing nations, and few would dispute that nations lacking educational infrastructure welcome international aid to fund education and health developments. The Cambodian Government requires foreign investment, and Khmer people want the involvement of outside agencies (many Khmer think of USA or Australia as countries which can deliver Khmer from their life experience, hence any exposure to Western ideas of methods they anticipate as being beneficial for their lives.

Cultural differences and historical developments underpinning such differences, indicate that inculcating democratic principles within the curriculum may be inappropriate as a shift in practice. Some expatriate educators are currently planning the implementation of curriculum and pedagogy which shifts practices less radically. Khmer teachers may consider such practices less threatening than the larger shifts practiced in past in-country education projects. Implementing child-focussed learning and teaching is problematic as most classrooms have seventy children, and team teaching is not practiced (virtually unknown).

Knowledge is not rewarded in Khmer society - the civil service does not advance people on merit - more likely by patronage. (Is this any different to the experience in the Australian system ?) Expatriates comment on this aspect of Khmer society - that education officers follow instructions from particular persons, not always in accordance with the organisational structure of the system.

The issues of globalisation and international provision of education are putting pressure on parts of the Cambodian education system. Indications of this can be discerned in the difficulties encountered by Ministry of Education staff in trying to manage the NGO relationship.

International funding organisations such as the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and UNICEF - require significant shifts to be made in the school environments being "enhanced" with funded projects. Reports from international consultants tend to reflect the criteria for evaluation set by the funding bodies, with minimal interpretation according to Khmer concepts of pedagogical appropriateness. Assessing pedagogical appropriateness in the Cambodian context is problematic. The complexity of understanding Khmer pedagogy is highlighted by historical trends in educational provision in Cambodia.

The challenge facing NGOs involved in educational provision is that of getting a better match between the cultures of the learners and the teachers. Of course all educators face this issue - but in the context of Cambodia such matters seem more confused. Ministry officials must be concerned that educational practices being brought to Cambodia may be different to traditional methods used in education (and perhaps traditional practices reflected teaching in the pagodas). The realisation of such concerns may be manifest in the demand by MoEYSs' directive to CAPE staff to stop workshops from being held.

AUSAid: Australian Government Aid Agency

APHEDA: Australian Council of Trade Unions Development Aid

CAPE: Cambodian Assistance to Primary Education

Kampuchea Khmer name for country currently known as Cambodia

Khmer: main ethnic people of Cambodia

MoEYS: Cambodian Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport

NGO: Non government organisations (international unless specified as Khmer)

PACT: Cambodian Community Outreach Project

PADEK: Partnership for Development in Kampuchea

SCFA: Save the Children Fund (Australia)

UNESCO: United Nations Educational Social and Cultural Organisation

UNICEF: United Nations International Child Education Fund

QSA

The first Australian-based NGO to develop programs in Cambodia was the Quaker Service of Australia. QSA involvement was in the English Language school, which was part of the University of Phnom Penh from 1985.

UNICEF and SCA

In 1991 UNICEF accepted a tender from SCA to research teacher competencies in Khmer primary schools. A consultants' report was published in 1993. This assessment or survey of needs made the Australian consultants aware of the gaps in common knowledge of educational constructs. Ministry officials in Cambodia expected that Australian consultants could educate senior teachers about the preferred methodologies over a period of a few weeks.

In the late 1990's the Cambodian Government still fights a civil war with the Khmer Rouge - although recent developments ("peace talks" during October and November 1996, and the death of Pol Pot early in 1998) have meant thousands of Khmer Rouge troops defected to the government forces. The assassination of a brother-in-law of the second Prime Minister in 1996 meant disruption to those peace talks, and a heightened antagonism between the two Prime Ministers who strove to show the Khmer people which was most suited to lead the country at the July 1998 election (a poll which resulted in no clear winner).

Against this background, is the knowledge that a significant proportion of Government funds were allocated to the civil war with the Khmer Rouge. The proportion of spending on the civil war remains a contentious issue. It is common knowledge that the Pol Pot regime (1975-9) caused unimaginable destruction of Khmer society. A social destruction that fragmented families, with the killing of most teachers and paraprofessional workers (Khmers say that anyone who wore glasses was killed).

Until July 1997, the people of Cambodia received substantial financial assistance in education, health and community development funding via a large number (approx six hundred) of non governmental organisations (NGO's). Many of these NGO's (perhaps three hundred) were international in their origins. One such organisation is Save The Children Australia, one of the earliest of Australian NGO's to be accepted in Cambodia during the transition from the Vietnamese - backed government to UN sponsored election (from 1987 to 1992).

The Government of Cambodia approved the Save The Children Australia (SCA) Teacher Education project and training began in 1993. UNICEF supported the project and provided a substantial funding component to allow the project to run until mid 1996. The project successfully provided primary teacher inservicing for approx. 1000 teachers over three years in the Kandal province (which surrounds the capital Phnom Penh).

In 1995, a group of North American education NGO's (World Education, Save The Children and World Learning) submitted a proposal to extend the Save the Chidren Fund (Australia) project into a national project. USAID has provided funding to these North American NGO's to expand the project to six provinces, increasing provision to reach five thousand teachers each year.

CAPE utilised eighteen expatriate educators to train Khmer lecturers and tutors across six provinces. The Khmer lecturers and tutors worked under the direction of Khmer managers to run teacher inservice workshops in these provinces. The general aim of the project was to enhance teacher knowledge of child focussed methodologies and to engage teachers in curriculum development.

The intention of the program was to replace all expatriate trainers within two years of the project with Khmer educators (program graduates), and to run the project with Khmer managers (already in place in most provinces, trained in previous project by SCA) and Khmer tutor trainers and lecturer trainers. This aim was likely to occur, and the project was intended to operate for six years - with provision of USAID funding. The program delivery was severely scrutinised by Ministry officials in March 1997, and this resulted in a seizure of the delivery process. A positive outcome of this situation was that Khmer trainers were able to participate in further professional development until the USAUD funding hiatus in August 1997.

Whilst attending a graduation of the 95-96 Teachers, the Second Minister of State for Education (Kah Sehan) said that one of the keys to upgrading teachers knowledge was the sustainability of the programs (personal conversation). Whilst the funding of training and education is a realistic expectation for inhabitants of First World countries like Australia ( well one would hope so, but you never really know!), for Cambodians such certainties do not exist. As foreign funding was withdrawn in late 1997, (USAID)has discontinued the education programs.

NGO's from several countries are involved in the provision of professional development and the training of teachers in Cambodia.- at least fifty-two organisations in 1996.The French continue to have a major presence in the field of education in Cambodia with the PASEC (Secondary Education Assistance Project) program - aiming to enhance secondary teaching methodology in similar ways to the CAPE project. Obviously differences in approaches do occur.

One education consultant (with CAPE) described the PASEC input as "getting materials to the schools" (set squares, blackboards, large wooden protractors) whereas CAPE encourages teachers to utilise local materials for classroom practice. (Locally accessible resources like leaves and shells, sticks and stones being used as teaching tools.)

The National Teacher Inservice program ceased to operate in July 1997. The project was originally an Australian initiative - funded by Save The Children Australia (SCA), with UNICEF funding

The training model is based on pedagogical principles originating from models with similarities Anangu Teacher EducationProgram (AnTEP) and Batchelor College Teacher Education curriculum.

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