Essential Encounters: A Study of University Students' Out-of-Classroom Interactions with Academic Staff
Kristie Daniel DiGregorio, Research Fellow
University of Sydney
DIGRK97.439
A Paper Presented at the Annual Conference of the Australian Association for Research in Education
Brisbane, Queensland
30 November - 4 December 1997
Introduction And Overview
Does university study affect 'outcomes' in students? Or does
university study merely coincide with a developmental period in which
the same changes would have occurred with or without university
attendance? A debate of these issues has been waged in the research on
higher education, illustrated by two major studies of student outcomes.
The thirty-year Cooperative Institutional Research Project encompassing
nearly 500,000 students and 1,300 institutions is the largest, ongoing
study of eighteen-to-twenty-two-year-old American university students
(Astin, 1993). Pascarella and Terenzini (1991) reviewed all of the
research on university effects implemented in the twenty years between
1970 and 1990 -- more than 2,600 studies. Both of these cornerstone
works in the research on higher education confirmed that there are a
number of changes that occur during university study that cannot be
attributed to normal maturation; university attendance is associated
with student outcomes. Among the outcomes identified by the research
are significant changes in learning and in cognitive development
(including general verbal and qualitative skills, oral and written
communication skills, intellectual and analytical skills, critical
thinking, problem-solving, and intellectual flexibility), modest
changes in attitude and values (including values related to intrinsic
occupational rewards, political liberalism, and gender roles), and some
changes in psychosocial development (including increases in
intellectual and interpersonal self-confidence).
In addition to confirming that university study affects outcomes in
students, the literature identifies aspects of university study that
are associated with the positive outcomes. Consistently and
unanimously, the literature has traced students' out-of-classroom
interactions with academic staff1 to the epicentre of positive student
outcomes. This paper offers evidence of the essential role that such
interactions play in the positive outcomes of university study and the
research presented offers a fuller understanding of the factors that
encourage or discourage these interactions.
Review of the Literature on Students' Out-of-Classroom Interactions
with Academic Staff
As studies of the undergraduate experience have discovered, much of
students' university experience falls outside the boundaries of the
classroom. It has been estimated that only one-third of university
students' waking hours are spent in class or studying, leaving students
with at least 70 hours of discretionary time each week (Kuh, Schuh,
Whitt, Andreas, Lyons, Strange, Krehbiel, & MacKay, 1991; Boyer, 1987).
The research on university student outcomes suggests that when
students spend some of their time outside of class with academic staff,
for example, in an advising session, as a continuation of class
discussion or during office hours, that the effects of those
interactions can span a lifetime. Research has shown that students'
commitment to completing university study; their intellectual growth
and development; their personal development in areas such as autonomy,
independence, and interpersonal skills; and their aspirations for
university can be significantly affected by their interactions with
academic staff (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991; Pascarella, 1980; Astin,
1977; Astin, 1993). As a result, some researchers have asserted that
the most important teaching takes place outside of class (Wilson, Gaff,
Dienst, Wood, and Bavry, 1975).
Research has indicated that students are the primary initiators of
student-staff interactions outside of class, so the student
perspective, previously unexplored, is essential to understanding how
these interactions develop (Kuh, et al, 1991). Correlational data
exists on the qualities of academic staff and students most likely to
interact out-of-class, but no research has explained the interplay of
these qualities that draw students into out-of-class interaction
(Wilson, et al, 1975). Also, staff and students have indicated that
these potentially influential interactions occur infrequently, a fact
with which students report dissatisfaction (Wilson, et al, 1975; Kuh,
et al, 1991; Astin, 1993; Follett, Andberg, & Hendle, 1982). As
Pascarella, Terenzini, and Blemling (1996) concluded after their
extensive review of the literature on out-of-class experiences,
"Student-[staff]2 contact and student learning are positively related
and it would seem that finding ways to promote such contact is in the
best educational interests of both students and institutions" (p. 155).
Research Questions
While there is substantial evidence that student-staff interactions are
associated with positive student outcomes, less is known about how
these interactions develop and their meaning for students. Since
students' perspectives on these interactions remains largely
unexplored, the research focuses on students' experiences of their
interactions with staff. First, there is a need to know more from
students about why they do or do not choose to spend some of their
out-of-classroom hours in contact with academic staff. So, the first
research question is: Why do students engage or not engage in
out-of-classroom interaction with academic staff? Second, there are a
number of reasons that students might initiate contact with staff --
which interactions are most likely to yield positive outcomes for
students? The second research question is: How do students describe
meaningful experiences of out-of-classroom interaction with academic
staff? Third, to learn more about these potentially important
interactions between students and staff, there is a need to learn more
about students' own interpretations of these interactions and whether
they affect their college experience. So, the third research question
is: Do students report outcomes of their out-of-class interactions with
academic staff?
Qualitative Inquiry in Higher Education
Qualitative methods are well suited to explore unanswered questions
about students' nonclassroom interactions with staff. Quantitative
studies assessing the impact of student-staff interaction on students
has focused on outcome of the college experience, or how students have
changed since they were 'input' into the college system and what
environments are associated with that change. In contrast, the goal of
some qualitative research is to describe the middle step, the
'environment', with a particular focus on students' experiences of that
middle step. So, the topic for inquiry shifts from the end product of
college experiences to students' assessments and interpretations of the
actual experiences. As Whitt (1991) emphasised in her discussion of
"artful science",
"Interest in qualitative research is increasing as higher education
practitioners and researchers seek to understand the complex qualities
and processes of institutions of higher education and their
participants, such as learning, growth, culture, and effectiveness and
find that conventional science assumptions and quantitative methods are
not sufficient to the task" (p. 406).
Research Methods
The setting was a medium-sized research university in the midwestern
United States, selected because of its participation in a national,
longitudinal study of student learning outcomes. The first phase of
the research consisted of a pilot study, implemented to refine the
research questions and the interview protocol. The second phase of the
research included expanded research questions, a larger and more
diverse sample of respondents and extended data collection, as well as
staff respondents and document analysis. The findings of the second
phase of research are the focus for this paper.
In the second phase of research, the national study data made it
possible to select two groups of undergraduate students in their fourth
and final year of study, a 'high' group and a 'low' group, based on
students' reported amount of out-of-classroom interaction with staff
relative to their peers. Two groups were selected because the goal was
to identify reasons that students do not initiate interactions as well
as the reasons that they do. In accordance with maximum variation
sampling, students were selected to represent both sexes and a variety
of cultural backgrounds and undergraduate schools (Lincoln & Guba,
1985).
Data collection consisted primarily of intensive, qualitative
interviews with eighteen students, interviewed 3-4 times each during
the Fall term of their fourth and final year. Students were asked to
reflect on their out-of-classroom interactions with staff, describing
specific events and reflecting on the immediate and cumulative impact
of those events. For the purposes of the study, out-of-class
interactions were defined as any conversation of at least fifteen
minutes in length that occurred outside of class meeting time, during
office hours, as a continuation of class discussion, in an advising
session, at a departmental event, in the residence hall, etc. The time
limit was imposed so that brief exchanges of information such as,
"Here's my paper" were excluded; conversations may have begun as brief
exchanges but to be included in the study they must have extended
beyond that.
Interviews with staff informants and document analysis of internal
materials triangulated the interview data and facilitated understanding
of the institutional setting. Measures were taken to insure the
trustworthiness, or soundness, of the study (eg, by implementing member
checks with student respondents to confirm and correct emerging themes
and by providing an audit trail of all notes and materials from data
collection and analysis) (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Data analysis consisted of unitizing and coding with the assistance of
FolioVIEWS textbased manager (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Miles & Huberman,
1984; Weitzman & Miles, 1995). Unitizing involved identifying each of
the smallest pieces of information in the interviews, whether the unit
was a phrase, sentence, or paragraph. Coding involved naming or
labelling the units based on the phenomena they represented and
employing constant comparison: a unit was tested for fit with existing
codes and in the absence of a fit, a new code was established.
Initially, codes were defined narrowly and then similar or related
codes that clustered around common ideas were grouped into overarching
themes. These themes were combined through analysis to yield the four
final research themes: points of contact, student characteristics,
academic staff characteristics, and outcomes.
Findings
The findings of the study provide answers to the three research questions:
Why do student engage or not engage in out-of-classroom interaction with academic staff?
How do students describe meaningful experiences of out-of-classroom interaction with academic staff?
Do students report outcomes of their out-of-class interactions with academic staff?
Factors that Encourage or Discourage Interactions
Three of the research themes -- points of contact, student
characteristics and academic staff characteristics -- address the
complex processes of how out-of-classroom interactions between students
and staff are facilitated or discouraged, answering the first research
question: "Why do students engage or not engage in out-of-class
interactions with academic staff?"
Points of Contact
Points of contact are settings or environments in which students
encountered staff and which influenced the occurrence of out-of-class
interactions. Points of contact that had the most influence on whether
students would interact with staff outside of class included: classroom
environments, students' academic departments, electronic mail, and
informal points of contact.
Classrooms
The size of students' classes was central in determining if they would
interact with staff out-of-class. Invariably, large classes evoked a
sense of being lost in the crowd and deterred students from initiating
interactions with staff, especially in their first year of university.
Students recalled,
"You're just a face - you know, it's the whole numbers thing...There's
a sense of being lost. It's so huge."
"I think that relationships with professors outside of the classroom
can be difficult in large settings. Large lecture halls it's going to
be so difficult to remember the students' names, much less the
professor's first name sometimes. You may not feel for any reason,
'Why would I want to get to know this person outside of class?'"
"You go to A01 Chemistry class and it's like 300 people, each person
vying for the professor's attention. It seems like you're one in a
million."
Not surprisingly, 'large lecture halls' often coincided with
lecture-style instruction, which further accentuated students'
reluctance to initiate interaction with their staff.
In contrast to large classes, small classes established connections
between the respondents and staff, connections that made the
respondents feel more comfortable initiating contact with staff outside
of class. One respondent explained why he had more out-of-classroom
contact with his staff the last year of college,
"My classes have gotten smaller. Earlier ones were the huge ones.
Maybe it's because I feel more I'm in the room with the professor."
Another student explained,
"If you're in a huge class and you have a problem and the professor
doesn't seem approachable, it's not necessary to go to the professor.
You can go to your friends, you can go to the [tutor]. I guess if
you're in smaller class, then if you needed to speak to the professor,
even if the professor seemed unapproachable, you're still probably
going to try."
"Small classes built a two-way connection between students and staff:
students felt they knew the staff member better and that the staff
member knew them better, both of which made interaction outside the
classroom more likely."
"[My classes have] smaller numbers and have more direct contact with
the professor when you're in class so you can't ignore them when you're
not in class. You have a more mutual idea of each other that
automatically lends itself more [to out-of-class interaction with
staff]."
"In a smaller class, the professor gets to know you faster and you get
to know the other students, which makes you discuss all kinds of
things. It feeds on itself and makes me more likely to see the
professor afterwards."
"In small discussion classes that I've had where the professor actually
participates as another member of discussion, you can get a feel for
what they're saying and what their ideas are and it's like another
student. If there's another student who's saying something that I
think is interesting, I might follow up with them after class...You can
also get a little better feel for their personality...You can feel like
you're relating."
Students reported that their first two years were characterised by
large lecture classes -- it wasn't until their third or fourth year
that they had regular opportunities to enrol in small classes.
Academic Departments
Respondents often reported that the staff with whom they were most
likely to have out-of-classroom interaction were in their academic
department and, typically, academic departments were a point of contact
that encouraged out-of-classroom interaction. Academic departments
created smaller environments within the larger university where
students and staff had regular contact and students felt that staff
took a particular interest in their students' progress. However, when
students compared their experiences in the sciences and in the arts and
humanities, it became clear that a student's choice of academic
department could also limit both the frequency and quality of their
out-of-classroom interactions with staff. Students noted that, in
subjects in the sciences, that they had less out-of-classroom
interaction with staff than in the arts and humanities. In addition,
the subject material coloured the quality of the interactions: in the
sciences, the material did not lend itself to discussion, so
out-of-classroom interactions were more likely to focus on an exchange
of information than an exchange of ideas.
"I guess it's just the mentality of an engineering major is very
different from the mentality of other majors...Everybody has their
mechanical pencils, everybody has their mechanical erasers. You have
to be really neat and you have to be really concise...and it reflects
in the way that we approach our professors often because you are not
supposed to forget something. It's supposed to be really logical and
really easy to get. There shouldn't be a reason why you need to track
down your professor for a problem too much. You should just be able to
figure it out yourself...And so the reasons for going to see a
professor are usually limited to how do I solve this problem or
something like that or you completely lost me on this lecture on this
one point."
"When you go to a [science] professor and ask a question about DNA, it
doesn't really strike up a conversation. I mean, you get the factual
information, you need help understanding what you're doing and that's
about it. And they may or may not ask, 'Are you understanding?'...In
other places where you can have within-discussion discussion about
different ideas, then...it's kind of an exchange of ideas instead of
like in the sciences where it's more like a one-way kind of thing."
In contrast to subjects in the sciences, students noted that subjects
in the arts and humanities facilitated student-staff collaboration
because assigned papers and performances demanded staff input in ways
other course requirements such as tests and quizzes did not. So, one
of the most commonly cited reasons students initiated interaction with
staff was to discuss a paper which included selecting and focusing the
topic, locating resources, and getting feedback to improve the next
paper. As well, students reported that the in the arts and humanities,
out-of-classroom interactions were more likely to focus on an exchange
of ideas which drew students into the interaction in a way that
interactions in the sciences did not.
"You're more apt to talk to the professor about what you think [in the
humanities]. They have more of a fountain of experience and they tell
you what they think. As opposed to [science], it's like how I think I
should solve a problem and the professor says, 'No, use this short
cut.' And that's it. You use them more for how to get short cuts done
or how to start this problem out not so much where you try to form an
idea and opinion and write a paper or explain it."
"Something like theatre is really conducive [to nonclassroom
interaction between students and staff], because you sit there and you
get all this through your personality -- your characters, and your
emotions and stuff like that. Which you just don't do in science. You
talk about bacteria."
So, students reported that the academic department in which they were
studying was an important point of contact, with the sciences providing
fewer built-in opportunities for out-of-class interaction and fewer
opportunities for students to share their ideas or to incorporate
themselves into their work. As a result, students' academic
departments had implications not only for the quantity of interactions
a student had with staff outside of class, but also for the quality of
those interactions.
Electronic Mail
Students reported that electronic mail was a recently developed point
of contact that encouraged them to interact with staff outside of
class:
"Just in the past three years, I remember when I came here as a
freshman, none of the professors had their e-mail addresses on the
[course outlines] and now all of them do...That shows another channel
of communication has really opened up."
E-mail encouraged out-of-class interactions by offering a more
convenient mode of communication, a mode that was uniquely able to
respond to students' schedules:
It's easier for me to sit in my room and type out my questions than to
go to campus and to go to their office hours and schedule it around all
the other things I have scheduled.
"When I have an idea that comes to me at three o' clock in the morning,
I e-mail the prof and then I go and see them later on."
"I really would e-mail before I would go in [to see staff] but I think
that's also because I can never make office hours...Most of the work
that I get done is between 10 [p.m.] and 1 [a.m.]. They might be up,
but I'm not going to call and obviously they're not going to have
office hours at those hours."
"Using e-mail was a less intimidating way for students to initiate
interactions because it minimised some of the risks inherent in
initiating face-to-face interactions. First, students could reduce
their risk of embarrassment because e-mail allowed them to practice
what they wanted to say and it provided a buffer between themselves and
staff:
One advantage is you can figure out what you want to say before you
send it. And you can edit if you want to."
"I've always felt that I communicate a little better on paper than I do
when I'm speaking, so that it allows me to think through more
thoroughly what I'm saying."
"Because you're not right there, face-to-face, he can't ask you any
trick questions. There's no personal pressure. And if they think what
you're asking is silly or something, you can't see their face to react
to it."
"I was intimidated [by my professor], so I started my interaction with
him over e-mail because, I figured, 'Okay, he knows my name, but he
doesn't know that my name goes with my face.' So, I could show up in
class every day and he wouldn't know who I was...Even though he'll know
my name, he'll know my face, and even if I ask the most ridiculous
question in the world, he can't identify me."
E-mail also encouraged out-of-class interaction with staff because it
offered a less intimidating way to make the first non classroom contact
with staff with the advantage of not having to interrupt staff and
possibly catch them at a bad time. Students explained:
"What I have done a lot more recently is I'll e-mail them and then go
in and talk to them. So that it's sort of like you have the basics
before you ever go talk to them."
"Once you've e-mailed a professor a few times, it's more likely that
you'll talk to them later, just because you've kind of broken the ice."
"I just asked it as, 'If you have room, could I come talk to you
sometime?' This way I didn't bother them in their office hours and
they can respond at their leisure."
"I would rather e-mail a professor than make a phone call because it's
not as invasive. He may be doing work, he may be on the other line,
and I'm calling him for a question on homework. Whereas e-mail, it can
sit and wait and my questions aren't that important. He'll e-mail me
back later."
Because e-mail allowed students to 'break the ice' with staff in ways
that were less intimidating, e-mail served as a bridge that led to
face-to-face interactions between students and staff. And, perhaps the
most important implication of the change that has occurred with the
introduction of e-mail is that, for students who reported being too
intimidated to initiate interaction in person, e-mail afforded an
alternative form of communication through which they were able to have
frequent out-of-classroom contact with their staff.
Informal Points of Contact
Some of the points of contact that led to out-of-classroom interactions
were more removed from the activities of the classroom, such as social
events and residential colleges. Encounters in these settings were
often positive for students and filtered into other points of contact
to make it more likely students would initiate interactions with staff
in other settings. Students discussed the advantages of having
opportunities to interact with staff at social events such as campus
lectures, departmental events, or student-receptions:
"I like it because most of the [staff] members are interesting people
to me. So I like getting to know them in a social setting. And if you
see a professor in a social setting then your relationship in the
classroom, it increases exponentially depending on how much more open
you feel, showing them your work and asking them questions."
"I think once you are able to talk to a [staff] member [that you meet
at a social event] it makes it even easier to talk to somebody in your
own department. It's just because you know what the etiquette is, you
know what stuff to ask, you feel more comfortable approaching people
you see as some kind of authority figure, you mix with them outside and
it makes it easier to mix with them in the classroom."
Informal events were not without their challenges or risks for
respondents; students talked about the initial awkwardness of
interacting with staff in social settings. Students expressed a sense
of personal vulnerability, of feeling intimidated approaching authority
figures out of the classroom and not knowing where or how to start a
conversation. For this reason, it was often helpful if there was a
structured starting point for the interaction, whether it was a talk
that preceded a reception or an event:
"If it's just a reception, then you go and what are you going to say?
Whereas having some sort of talk first, it's the bridge, it gives you
something else to talk about, a way to initiate [interaction with
staff]...I'm not going to show up and not have anything to say or no
basis for conversation."
"If you're going out to a theatre or a play or something, sometimes you
can start talking about the play afterward or you can talk about other
plays you've seen beforehand. It gives you some kind of context that
you start talking."
Residential colleges are living and learning residence halls that were
established to promote out-of-class interactions between students and
staff. Students reported being pleasantly surprised by the
accessibility of staff in the residential colleges and how the colleges
offered students unique opportunities for meaningful interactions with
staff:
"I was impressed that [in the residential colleges], I could sit and
eat with the Dean of Students [of my undergraduate school] and talk to
her and she would know who I was eventually, and it just surprised me."
"I had an interesting conversation with [my adviser]. She came over
for a reception [in my residential college] and I was talking to her
and I was reminding her how she was my adviser and she explained to me
why she did things a certain way. That was very meaningful because I
finally understood where she was coming from."
"I got to know a [professor] of mine and he would eat in [my college]
so I figured I would go chat with him. It was good that he was in a
setting like that because I would approach him at lunch but I might not
necessarily have run up to him on he sidewalk. When you have lunch
it's a time to go over and happen to sit by him and start to talk about
his class or whatever, because that's a social setting where people
experience interaction."
By affording a more relaxing setting for students to initiate
out-of-classroom interaction with staff, informal points of contact
helped increase both the frequency and the quality of students'
interactions with staff.
Student Characteristics
The two central student characteristics that determined if students
initiated interaction with staff included whether students were new to
college and whether they believed they had a need for interaction (eg,
a problem or question). In addition, individual differences emerged in
how students initiated interactions with staff.
Newness
Respondents pointed to the importance of providing opportunities for
first-year students to interact with staff since this is when
respondents reported feeling most intimidated by staff. There were two
salient changes in their experiences as students as they moved from
high school to university. First, students had a different sense of
themselves as learners. In high school, respondents were among the
best and brightest of their peers but at the university where the best
and the brightest from other high schools were now their peers,
respondents felt a new sense of tentativeness approaching staff.
"Most people were at the top of their class in high school...and you
come to a school where you're not necessarily top of the class and you
don't really stick out and your personality is maybe not that much
better than everybody else's. And so you're not really sure where
you're going to fit in with the professor, if you are just this grade
or are you a name that goes with this grade, are you a face that goes
with the grade...I think the [first year students] don't realise that
they can actually go and talk to a professor."
"I expected [staff] to be like the teachers in high school, where
they'd be pretty involved at the school -- I knew a lot of the [staff].
And I knew a lot about them, because I was in student council and
sports and all that stuff like that. And I got here and it was really
hard...I am average, now, if anything."
Second, students experienced a change in their relationships with
staff. -- staff seemed impersonal and inaccessible compared to high
school teachers.
"When I got to college, it was like a whole different ball game. That
was my first impression and my first expectation of [staff] was that
they really can't do too much and I'm going to have to struggle and use
my other resources, like tutors and stuff, but I really can't get to
know the [staff]."
By their fourth and final year, many of the students were less
intimidated by staff, which they attributed to their own maturation as
well as to having had positive encounters with their staff:
"I guess I've gotten accustomed to being around very prestigious
[staff] members, very intelligent people in their field here. I've
gotten a little older. I've learned to respect the professor but to
know that they are people like the rest of us. It's an aging thing, as
you get older. When you come to college, it's new and after being here
four years, things change a little. To a certain extent, there's this
developmental process, getting older and stuff."
"I've learned a lot of other things [from my interactions with staff]
and it's largely because I was able to interact with some [staff]
informally and that gave me the confidence to interact with others."
"I think that once you start talking to [staff] members, it's easier
because you know how to approach it the very first time. You know kind
of what approach to take whenever you go into their office to talk
about something."
It was important for respondents to have positive interactions with
staff to increase the likelihood that they would approach staff again
in the future. As students reflected on the differences between their
approach to staff when they were new to university and when they were
in their final year, many of them regretted that they did not overcome
their intimidation sooner:
"That's one thing I wish I had done earlier [is interact with my
professors]...I wish someone sat me down and told me, "Get a grip, go
to your professors." There are plenty of times that I needed to go to
my professors that I didn't go because of my own lack of
self-confidence, not quite understanding the university system and not
being strong enough."
"I wish somebody told me, 'Don't worry at all, go see the professor.
If they act like a jerk, then don't worry about it, it's not your
fault.' Some are like that and some aren't and you just kind of have
to search out the ones who aren't."
"I think at times I was intimidated when I shouldn't have been, looking back on it."
Need
Respondents' experiences also emphasised the importance of staff
encouraging students to utilise office hours to discuss course
material. This is because students explained that, to be able to
approach a staff member, especially the first time, they felt that they
had to have a justifiable reason, such as a question or a problem.
Students commented:
"I'd always felt that if I didn't have a specific question I wasn't
going to go in and talk to them and I still really don't because I
don't want to waste their time."
"I didn't have much non-class interaction with [my professor] at all.
I didn't need to because she taught it so well we didn't need to bother
her outside of class. I really appreciated it and I definitely
respected her a lot. I always wanted to go up to her and say I loved
her class."
As these comments illustrate, without having a demonstrated need, such
as a question or a problem, students were reluctant to impinge on staff
time outside of class.
Individual Differences
One of the purposes of the study was to determine whether the
differences between students with a high and low frequencies of
interaction with staff could be explained by varying levels of student
interest. It could not since, for many students, their interest did
not always translate to out-of-classroom interactions with staff. In
fact, among the students with low interactions was a group of students
who reported that they did not initiate out-of-classroom interactions
with staff because they were not interested, their time was more likely
to be filled with other activities. And the students with the highest
frequency of interactions reported a high level of interest, they
readily initiated interactions with staff, and their willingness to
initiate interactions was undeterred by negative interactions with
staff. However, in the middle of the continuum were students who were
interested in interacting with staff outside-of-class but they depended
on some initiative from staff or they reluctantly initiated interaction
but were strongly influenced by staff members' responses to them. Most
of the students were in the middle of the continuum, including many
among the "low" interactors. For example, these students with low
interactions who were interested in out-of-classroom interactions were
more likely than students at the high end of the continuum to have been
surprised by their limited access to staff when they came to university
from high school and to reflect that they felt lost or overwhelmed in
large classes:
"I think that when I was coming here I just expected that [staff] would
be more approachable or that I'd feel that I could approach them more
than what actually happened, just because of what the brochure said,
but all the universities say that."
"In a big class, you have those people who will go in and go to office
hours and there are other people who just get lost. That was me. I
kind of got lost in this big classroom where I just went to lecture
every day and the professor could've been a guest lecturer for all that
I used him for...It kind of inhibits people."
"You go to A01 Chemistry class and it's like 300 people, each person
vying for the professor's attention, it seems like you're one in a
million."
Students in the middle of the continuum explained that negative
experiences short-circuited their efforts to initiate out-of-classroom
interaction.
"I had a bad experience winter quarter with one of the [staff]...I
think that hurt me for a long time because I couldn't go to my
professors."
"I think sometimes I'm waiting for [staff to initiate contact with me].
One professor disappoints me or is not conducive to talking to them,
then it's easier just to let it be."
For these students, a negative outcome from their efforts to initiate
out-of-classroom interaction could mean that they experienced a setback
in their willingness to initiate out-of-classroom interactions in the
future.
Academic Staff Characteristics
There were several ways that academic staff characteristics (qualities
of staff members, as they were perceived by the student respondents)
affected the occurrence of out-of-classroom interactions. First,
respondents' comments indicated that, in general, they perceived a gap
between themselves and staff: staff were separate, distant, at a higher
level than students. Students were acutely aware of staff members'
dual roles as teacher-scholars which enhanced students' intimidation
and their reluctance to encroach on staff research time:
"I never went to his office hours because people kept telling me how
nationally famous he was. I knew nothing about economics. I had a
really hard time in the class but I wouldn't have gone to see him
because I wouldn't want to waste his time."
"I thought I'd just look to see how many papers he's written and it
came up to be [more than 50]. I mean, this just boggles the
mind...Just your thought of them makes it hard to approach them because
they seem so accomplished."
"I assume they are busy...in that you've got your classes that you have
to teach, and then when they're over you've got things you have to
grade and then you have research or writing that you have to do and you
have committee meetings that you have to go to."
Students commented that because of the gap, from a distance staff
seemed inaccessible and not quite real:
"Professors are living in a bubble that doesn't extend beyond their
office or their teaching classrooms...I think that at a university like
[this] the bubble is there no matter what for all the professors. It's
the question of whether or not they extend out of the bubble."
"[The staff] are movie stars in their field. If a movie star walks in
here, it's expected that we are amazed...the same with professors.
They are geniuses. They are on the cutting edge of their work. They
are the movie stars in [my field]."
The gap between students and their professors was not necessarily
permanent or fixed. There were several factors that determined whether
staff reinforced or dissolved some of the barriers that the gap erected
to out-of-class interaction between students and staff.
Roles as Teachers
Students reported that the classroom was often the forum where staff
initially set the tone for out-of-classroom interaction and that how
staff defined their roles as teachers determined whether students would
initiate out-of-classroom interaction. Students noted that when staff
were committed to and enthusiastic about their teaching, when they
placed a priority on students' understanding of the material, and when
they de-emphasised the student-staff hierarchy, students felt that they
were more approachable outside of class. First, staff who valued
teaching and demonstrated an interest in their subject material engaged
students' interest and communicated an interest in student learning:
"Some professors I feel are just here because they want to be able to
do research. But if the professor is here because they actually want
to teach and they want to educate students [they're more approachable
out of class]."
"He was literally enlivened by [the subject]. He would walk in and
he'd just take off his sweater. And he always took it off over his
head and his hair would go ruffled and he'd smooth it down and he'd go,
'OK.' And he would pull down a blackboard and just start...But he'd
just go for fifty minutes...Maybe it was because he was very
charismatic in class. So there wasn't any fear of going into his
office hours."
"If she feels passionately about something you know that if you feel
passionately about something too that you can go and talk to her. It
makes her seem so much more human and definitely someone that you want
to get to know."
Second, a theme that ran throughout students' comments about staff
with whom they felt comfortable initiating out-of-class interaction was
that these staff emphasised student understanding of the course
material:
"They care about your level of understanding of the material. It shows
that they care more about you, the students, that you're learning, that
they're not here just to teach, they want to make sure you understand."
"He's the type of person that, he won't just give you an answer...he
kind of prods you and he makes you think...I feel like he really cared
if you were getting along and if you were understanding the material."
The third way in which staff defined their roles as teachers that
affected out-of-classroom interactions was the roles staff created for
themselves as teachers and for the students as learners, whether they
reinforced the dichotomy that students already sensed.
"If a professor thinks they're way above you, they let you know...I
remember a professor who -- it was obvious he was speaking down to 250
people at the same time and he knew it. It was just really obvious.
You know when someone has an attitude when they can talk down to a room
full of people...If they talk down to you in lecture, you're not going
to talk to them personally because they're probably going to talk down
to you the same way, if not worse."
"I've only had a couple that I have felt completely comfortable going
to. Some are kind of -- they come off as kind of intimidating and just
like they're not really interested in speaking with you on a normal
level. They're always lecturing, even when you go to them, they're
still lecturing to you and looking down."
In contrast, staff who elevated students' status as novices by valuing
students opinions helped dissolve the barriers created by students'
perceptions of the student-staff dichotomy.
"The [staff] that I've had interactions with [out of class], they want
to know what students think."
"[Staff who are more approachable out of class] validate the student's
opinions and comments and thoughts as well as their own...they give the
impression that they care what I have to say."
"[My professor] came up to me and specifically said, 'Well, what do you
think about [the speaker] and what she had to say?...[That said to me]
'I have enough respect for you that I want to hear what you have to say
about this'...And that's where you start to cross the line into being a
contemporary."
Availability
Second, how staff made their time available, evidenced by how they
discussed and structured their office hours, affected the occurrence of
interactions. Students gauged whether to initiate interaction based on
how staff talked about the time they set aside for office hours:
"I'd be much more likely to come in and see someone who was like,
'Yeah, I have my office hours on Tuesday and Thursday, in the afternoon
from like 12-5.' I know they're just going to be sitting in there
doing work. Whereas a professor who's like, 'You must make an
appointment with me,' I know they're going to be sitting there looking
at me when I come in the room and be like, 'Yeah, what do you want?
Ask your question.'"
"You can just tell by the way they teach. If they say, 'Please come
into office hours' ten times a week. Or if they just say, 'Yeah, my
office hours are here.' Or they don't even say it at all, it's just on
the syllabus and you have to go find it. You can tell -- you kind of
get a sense in that way. The kind of vibes you get."
"I've had professors that will just mumble [when their office hours
are] and you're like, 'What? Oh, you don't want me to stop by I take it.'"
Then, students got a sense of staff members' actual availability based
on how they reacted to students efforts to initiate interactions, as
the two contrasting examples below illustrate:
"He makes you feel like you're not bothering him...I just feel like,
whenever I talk to him, I don't feel like I'm really wasting his time."
"I wanted to borrow a book that I needed to have, so as I went in he
was putting on his coat while I'm asking him to borrow a book, so he
said, 'Yeah, I'll bring the book in tomorrow. And here's a couple
other names you can look up that would be helpful.' But I would've
liked to have had a little bit more conversation with him and asking
him somewhat about the book...It wasn't like I wanted to chat about his
family...I don't think I'll go back to see [him]."
Relating as 'Real' People
Third, whether staff bridged 'the gap' between students and staff to
relate to students as 'real' people affected whether students were
willing to initiate out-of-classroom interactions with them. There
were a number of ways that staff could relate to students as real
people. First, when staff communicated a genuine interest in students
as individuals, for example, by inquiring into students' career plans
and their academic progress, then those staff seemed more approachable
to students than staff whose interests did not extend beyond the
subject matter.
"He really is into talking, to helping students. He doesn't just want
to help them, he wants to know who they are."
"I know one professor in particular always asks me how everything else
is going on my life, and is real concerned about what I'm going to do,
what I'm going to do next year."
"One of the most powerful ways that staff communicated a genuine
interest in students was to know their names; when staff didn't know
students' names, students were discouraged from initiating interaction
with them."
"I remember something about one of my labs or an exam and the
professor came up to me after class and said, 'Oh, I have your lab or
exam up here,' and knowing who I was...that was very interesting for me
and even took me aback that he even knew what my name was."
"I ran into one of my old instructors and I hadn't seen him in like two
years...Just in the two minutes that we talked, he remembered my name,
remembered what year I was, asked, 'What are you going to do next
year?'"
"One quarter I went to office hours a couple of times and my professor
didn't know who I was and that was very frustrating for me. I kind of
got an attitude and then I didn't go to office hours the next quarter."
Second, in addition to demonstrating to students that they were
interested in them as individuals, staff who presented themselves as
real people seemed more approachable and students were more likely to
initiate out-of-class interaction with them. By allowing the class
conversation to extend beyond class material to include the staff
members' personal experiences, by demonstrating a sense of humour, by
relating to the student perspective, and by inviting students to call
them by their first names, staff could seem more like real people.
Examples of each of these qualities follow:
"[This professor] often uses his own life examples and telling what he
was like in college and he went to [this university]. So, his stories
are even more amusing because they are similar to ours. He seems more
accessible because of that."
"If that person has a sense of humour, it makes things a lot easier [to
initiate out-of-classroom interaction], because you know that person is
a personable type person. If you don't have a sense of humour, you
don't not necessarily get along with other people, but you have to have
a bit of a sense of humour to get along with people. Life is
humorous."
"The things she would talk about -- Seinfeld -- she would talk about
when she was in college. You know, she would tell stories, and she
would react the way we would react...Everyone felt like they could open
up to her more, maybe. They weren't as embarrassed to say things."
"My professor asked me to call her by her first name...So that helps.
Then the intimidation factor leaves."
Keeping in mind students' initial impressions that staff seemed not
quite real, living in a 'bubble', it follows that ways in which staff
did prove themselves to be real and to be genuine encouraged students
to take the risk to initiate out-of-classroom interactions.
Meaningful Interactions
The second research question was: "How do students describe meaningful
experiences of out-of-classroom interaction with staff?" Meaningful
interactions are defined as positive interactions that encouraged
students to initiate contact with staff again, interactions that
related to positive outcomes of interactions, and those that students
identified as meaningful in personal and/or academic ways. Qualities
of interactions that made them meaningful echo those characteristics of
staff that first encouraged students to initiate interactions. First,
meaningful interactions were affected by how staff members defined
their roles as teachers. When staff actively encouraged students to
engage in out-of-class interaction or when they worked closely with
students to help students achieve their potential, these efforts
yielded meaningful interactions for students. For example, students
recounted:
"He would say...'So you're coming to see me in office hours today,
right?' I wasn't planning on it but I guess I am...That was my
transition from not going to professors [outside of class] and going to
professors because he expected me to come."
"So I went to his office hours after I got the paper back, because his
comments said he thought I could do better...[I said] 'this is my level
of writing. I'm happy with it.'...And he said, 'Well, yes, you are
capable of it.' And every time I came back, he said I could do
it...because of that, it motivated me."
Second, related to how staff made their time available to students,
students' accounts of meaningful interactions included those where the
staff made time to make students a priority out of class and when they
made significant investments of their time in students:
"She'd read it and critiqued it and obviously put a lot of time and
work into it and gave back brilliant advice...She'd just put in a lot
of time when she didn't really have to...She's doing things that she
doesn't have to do at a time when she doesn't have to spend time
thinking about students."
"He said he wanted to help me work this out...he was helpful in that
way and he wanted me to keep him informed and so he was very open to
keeping contact with me and that kind of thing...He had no stake in
being in contact with me in a sense, he had nothing to gain from it, he
just wanted to help me out."
"[Meaningful interactions are] the ones where the professor shows that
he or she is going above and beyond the call of duty. The ones that go
beyond relating specifically to the paper that I'm working on, where
they ask, 'How are things going?' or they spend a lot of time dealing
with the paper as opposed to, 'Yeah, that sounds good.'"
Third, when staff related as 'real' people with students, this not
only encouraged students to initiate out-of-class interactions with
staff, but could also lead to interactions that were meaningful for
students. Examples of meaningful interactions when staff related to
students as real people included when staff showed an interest in the
student as an individual or when staff were willing to talk about
themselves:
"Things like that, those kinds of informal [interactions], after you
get the paperwork done, take one or two minutes to see what's going
on...that makes me feel good."
"I came in [to talk to him about a summer job] and he wanted to know a
lot about me. Like, what were my career aspirations, why was I doing
this, what did I want to do, stuff like that...So it was, I guess, his
bit of kindness for the day or something...that I would consider
meaningful."
"It created more of a while person of who he was, like he was telling
me about he and his wife going [abroad]. And the travels that they had
done. It was an experience outside of [the university] and how it
affected him and the happiness that he had from that experience. It
was really a good connection with him because that was something I want
also."
"I like that [kind of] interaction [when staff talk about themselves],
I think it's really cool when you can talk to a professor just like a
normal person."
Whether they related to staff roles as teachers, staff availability, or
to staff relating as 'real' people, meaningful interactions shared in
common the fact that they extended beyond an exchange of information
which could have occurred in the classroom. Out-of-classroom
interactions that were most meaningful were the ones that somehow
managed to leave the classroom behind. One student explained the
sentiments of many of the respondents:
"The other stuff that you're not going to get from books is where the
non-classroom interaction becomes meaningful...I think with most
non-classroom interaction, you do end up having some sort of agenda
related to class. That's almost unavoidable. But if you can expand
beyond that, if you can try to make the weak ties, your strong ties
would be the classroom and the weak ties may be that this professor
worked in the field in which you are interested...things that would be
tangentially or weakly related [to class] would be the most
meaningful."
Outcomes
The final research theme relates to outcomes and answers the research
question: "Do students report outcomes of their out-of-class
interactions with staff?" When students reflected on whether their
interactions with staff had affected them, they reported getting "a lot
of education" from these interactions, directly connecting the
interactions to enhanced learning:
"The most important thing, I think, [about out-of-classroom interaction
with staff] is that you can get a lot of education out of it. And then
it will be more than just listening to the lectures. It's more than
just reading the book, because you're actually processing and by going
in you can process ideas and solve some questions."
"[Out-of-classroom interaction with staff] helps the student learn
more. I mean, I've learned a lot more from my papers and things by
talking with the professors about it."
"I usually learn the most during those times [when I go to office
hours] as opposed to being in class and having a problem and looking it
up in the book."
Companion to the enhanced learning that resulted from students'
interactions with staff was improved academic performance by the
students: they performed better on their assignments which they
believed was reflected in higher marks.
An additional outcome students reported was that the interactions with
staff softened the initial barrier students felt between themselves and
their staff. Students were able to see the staff as more 'real' or
'human' which made them less intimidating and therefore made it more
likely that students would initiate interactions again.
"[Through out-of-classroom interaction], you get a more complete
picture of the person. It's not just a role any more, it's a person."
"I think that's another reason why I think it's important to get to
know professors because you have to see them as human beings, you have
to see them as not infallible fountains of knowledge, but as people
that work hard, that studied this material and have gained and achieved
this knowledge by studying it, not just because they were born with it,
naturally, gifted."
Interestingly, for some students being able to see the staff as 'human'
facilitated another outcome -- learning. It was important to some
students' learning that they know the staff as people:
"With [my professor], what I learn in his class is so much more than if
I didn't know him, just because I respect him as a human being and his
knowledge. I know that he knows a phenomenal amount of stuff...I
respect what I learn in class that much more."
Out-of-class interactions with staff also enhanced students' self-image
by facilitating a greater sense of confidence in their abilities and by
emphasising that the students were valued members of the university
community:
"The two professors that I established pretty close relationships with
did wonders for my self-confidence. I mean, they sort of convinced me
that I did have half a clue of what I was talking about."
"I think [out-of-classroom interaction with staff has] had kind of a
stimulating effect on me as far as my experiences at [university],
being comfortable in classes as a student...being able, being willing
to express myself and my ideas. I think it comes partially from having
interactions with [staff] and knowing that they find them valid, that
they are looking for that and want that."
"I think [out-of-classroom interaction] can kind of elevate a student
to a higher plane, just like the interest...If a person has an interest
in a student, he or she can really encourage that student because
someone cares about them. And the student will feel that she is
valuable."
"If they try to recognise you, let you know that [they know] you're
alive, then...you feel important, they have a vested interest in your
understanding of the material. If you dropped off the face of the
earth, you would be missed."
Some of the outcomes identified by students echo findings of previous
research. But because this is the first research to offer an
understanding of students' experiences of out-of-classroom
interactions, this research illuminates and explains the connection
between interactions and student outcomes. For example, other research
has identified academic achievement and intellectual development as
outcomes of interaction (eg., Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991; Astin,
1993). Respondents in this study explained that not only did
out-of-class interactions augment their learning about the material,
but that the interactions enhanced students' commitment to their
academic work because they then felt a personal responsibility to the
professors.
"I've noticed when I have one-on-one interaction with a [staff] member
I feel more personally accountable for the work that I do and more
motivated to get really interested."
"This class could potentially be one of the worst classes in my
career...But I kinda - I want to do well cause now he knows me so I
want to do well on my reports and I want to know what's going on in
lab."
Discussion
The findings of the study have a number of implications for practice within higher education.
Points of Contact
Students reported that the size of classes exerted a powerful influence
on the occurrence of out-of-classroom interactions with their staff.
Because of the connection that previous research has established
between student-staff interactions and academic outcomes, this suggests
that class size has the potential to affect college student outcomes,
such as learning and intellectual development. So, it is important
that students have the opportunity to enrol in small classes and the
earlier in their university careers the better. It is unfortunate that
students in this study reported that the time when they were most
intimidated by staff was also the time when they were predominantly in
large, lecture classes, which only served to further enhance their
reluctance to approach staff.
Academic departments were important points of contact for
out-of-classroom interactions, creating a smaller environment within
the larger university where students felt staff demonstrated a genuine
investment in them and their progress. Variability in the ability of
academic departments to encourage out-of-classroom interaction depended
on students' field of study: students in the sciences reported that
their quantity and quality of interactions were lower than those for
students in the arts and humanities. It may be useful for staff in the
sciences to create structured opportunities for students to collaborate
one-on-one with staff, either by inviting students to work in staff
laboratories or by requiring projects that require input from staff.
The findings of this study also suggest that students in the sciences
may need additional encouragement from staff to initiate interactions
because of students' perceptions that their staff expect them to work
independently, without input from staff. It was as if students would
have demonstrated a personal weakness if they were to initiate
out-of-classroom interaction. Finally, since the course material in
the sciences may limit out-of-classroom interactions to exchanges of
information, staff in the sciences may need to take the initiative to
broaden the scope of the interaction to invite students to reflect on
their learning in the subject, their academic progress, their career
plans or other areas of importance to students.
E-mail is a point of contact not addressed in previous research on
student-staff interaction outside of class. The fact that access to
e-mail encouraged students who were otherwise reluctant to initiate
interaction suggests that institutions that offer e-mail will not only
facilitate student-staff interaction already occurring, but may
increase the proportion of students benefiting from out-of-class
interactions with their staff. E-mail and electronic discussion groups
have the potential to extend the boundaries of the classroom, to allow
discussions from class to continue beyond scheduled meeting times.
This offers a strong incentive for institutions interested in
encouraging out-of-classroom learning to provide their students with
access to e-mail.
Informal events that provided opportunities for students to interact
with staff outside of class, especially those that had some structured
starting point, facilitated the process of students seeing staff as
more 'real' and 'human' and increased students comfort in initiating
out-of-classroom interactions with staff.
Student Characteristics
From an understanding of the student characteristics affecting the
occurrence of out-of-classroom interaction between students and staff,
it was evident that students were particularly intimidated by staff in
their first year when their initial impressions of staff suggested that
out-of-classroom interaction would be impossible. Many of the students
in the study reported that it wasn't until their third or fourth year
that they had regular interactions with staff outside of class. It is
important for universities to provide small, seminar subjects
especially for first year students, in order to counteract the
predominance of large, lecture classes in their timetable. Or, within
a larger lecture subject, it may be useful to schedule small tutorials
with first year students or to have office hours reserved especially
for first year students. Through such interventions, first year
students may have an opportunity to develop their confidence to
initiate interaction with staff earlier in their academic career than
they might otherwise.
Students reported that, many times, they did not initiate interaction
with staff because they did not have a problem or a question. Staff
may need to help adjust students' expectations by encouraging them to
initiate interactions to discuss course material, beyond questions or
problems, or to discuss subject-related interests or course or career
planning. In addition, by creating out-of-classroom opportunities for
students to interact with staff (eg, cultural events, paper
conferences, field trips) educators can help enhance the number of
reasons and opportunities students have for initiating contact with
their staff.
One of the purposes of the study was to determine whether the
differences in students with a high frequency of interaction and
students with a low frequency of interaction could be explained by
varying levels of student interest. While some "low" interacting
students reported little interest in out-of-class interactions with
staff, most of the students reported a desire to interact with their
staff outside of class. Many of the students with low interactions had
attempted to initiate interaction but had been discouraged from further
interactions by environments or by staff members' responses to their
efforts to initiate interaction. It is important for universities
administrators to consider environments, staff attitudes and programs
that currently exist that might represent barriers to students who
would otherwise initiate interaction outside of class.
Academic Staff Characteristics
There were several ways that staff characteristics affected
out-of-classroom interaction, including how staff approached their
roles as teachers, how they made their time available, and whether they
related to students as real people. Each of these demonstrates that a
staff member's approach in the classroom sends important signals about
their 'approachability' outside of class. This suggests that
universities can increase the out-of-classroom interaction and
associated benefits for students by considering teacher evaluations in
making staffing decisions and by encouraging staff to value their
teaching through initiatives such as staff development programs and
teaching excellence awards.
When staff made their time available to students, it encouraged
students to initiate interaction with their staff. If universities do
not do so already, it is important to strongly encourage staff to hold
regular, advertised office hours as a first step towards encouraging
students to initiate out-of-classroom interactions and as a signal to
students that such interactions are an important aspect of the learning
process.
Universities could be innovative by providing seed money for field
trips or cultural outings, student-staff lunches or informal social
events to facilitate opportunities for students and staff to relate to
each other as 'real' people. Students' comments about their most
meaningful interactions made it clear that opportunities such as these
to extend beyond the formal business of class lead to an increase in
quantity and quality of interactions between students and staff.
Student Outcomes
One of the most important findings of the study is that students
confirmed that student-staff interactions are at the epicentre of a
number of positive student outcomes. Students reported a number of
outcomes of their interactions with staff, including enhanced learning
and academic performance, enhanced self-image, and a changed view of
staff as more 'real' or 'human', which encouraged students to initiate
further interactions. Students' comments about the effect of
student-staff interaction on their learning offers support for previous
research which emphasised that the most important teaching takes place
outside of class (Wilson, et al, 1975). And the fact that positive
interactions encouraged students to initiate further interactions with
their staff stresses the importance and benefits of facilitating
positive interactions between students and staff: the frequency and
quality of students' interactions with staff can flourish if students
have an opportunity to have a positive interaction with just one staff
member.
Conclusion
This study offers the first, in-depth exploration of students' views of
how students and staff navigate the initial distance between them to
interact out-of-class, what qualities of the interactions make them
meaningful for students, and what outcomes students identify from those
interactions. Overall, the findings of this study point to the fact
that the classroom -- it's size, the teaching style, the format -- has
a vitally important effect on whether students are drawn into
out-of-classroom interactions during some of their '70 hours' of
discretionary time each week. Because spending discretionary time in
out-of-classroom interactions is associated with student outcomes such
as learning, self-esteem, and staying enrolled at university, the
benefits of efforts to increase student-staff interaction outside of
class can span a lifetime for students.
Endnotes
1 The terms 'academic staff' and 'staff' are used interchangeably to
denote regular, full-time academic staff responsible for teaching or
academic advising of undergraduate students.
2 In the U.S., 'faculty' denotes 'staff'. So, references to 'faculty'
term have been changed to 'staff', the change indicated by brackets.
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Kristie Daniel DiGregorio is a Research Fellow for Yooroang Garang: The
Centre for Indigenous Health Studies at the University of Sydney,
Australia. She may be contacted at:
K.DanielDigregorio@cchs.usyd.edu.au, P.O. Box 170, Lidcombe, NSW 2141,
Australia.