HILTON HOTEL, BRISBANE

Wednesday 3rd December

This paper explores the understanding of sexuality and body image in schools by heterosexual and homosexual teachers attending nine High Schools in Sydney, Australia who were interviewed between September 1996 and February 1997. The concept of habitus (Bourdieu 1_984) is used to indicate the understanding of these issues by these teachers. Broadly, those who lack an understanding of homosexuality are also unaware of body image which results in symbolic violence (Bourdieu 1984) through neglect of these students. The marginalisation of students who are perceived to be homosexual or whose body shape or mannerisms do not conform to the norm is evidenced as bullying and alienation, so the implications of this research have relevence for all schools. Exerpts from interviews with gay and lesbian teachers is included for analysis.

"They [teachers] don't want the kids to see they're supporting homosexuality because they might be accused of being homosexuals themselves" (James 17/12/96).

"The central issue then ... is not to determine whether one says yes or no to sex ... but to account for the fact it is spoken about, to discover who does the speaking, the positions and viewpoints from which they speak, the institutions that prompt people to speak about it and which store and distribute all that is said" (Foucault 1976:11).

Social justice has been the ideological basis of school policies for the past decade, but sexual orientation has not been a focus concern. This paper illustrates the process by which teachers come to an understanding of how the issues of homosexuality and body image impact on the school population using Bourdieu's concepts of habitus and symbolic violence to explain the lack of consciousness by many teachers. Homosexual teachers were more understanding of both issues than were heterosexual teachers because they had experienced marginalisation at school and were aware when current students were alienated. This illustrates the process of habitus, meaning dispositions to act. "It is necessary to write a structural history which finds in each state of the structure both the product of previous struggles to transform or conserve the structure, and, through the contradictions, tensions and power relations that constitute that structure, the source of its subsequent transformations" (Bourdieu 1990a:42).

The paper will analyse Bourdieu's position within the methodology of the research before analysing teachers' attitudes to body image and homosexuality from the habitus perspective.

Sydney is the recognised Australian city which celebrates homosexual culture, especially in the inner city and through the annual Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras. Thus schools in the inner city area are set in a context where homosexuality and diversity of body image were more visible than in rural or outer suburban schools.

The New South Wales Department of School Education compiled a kit 'Resources for Teaching Against Violence' which was issued to all schools in late 1996. It included extensive resources for schools to combat homophobia and also the marginalisation of school students due to body image and was designed to raise teachers' consciousness and to reduce bullying in schools. Homophobia is an extreme form of symbolic violence and The Lesbian and Gay Anti Violence Lobby was formed as a means of combating this _violence. In November 1996 the NSW Government sponsored and distributed The Lesbian and Gay Anti Violence Lobby Anti-homosexual Violence Kit to 100 schools. Of these, 12 schools reported positive feedback re the kit to the Anti Violence Lobby and so these schools were approached by the researcher in order to interview teachers about body image and homosexuality. Each principal was notified by letter and twenty copies of papers identifying the proposed research were posted to be distributed by principals to the teachers likely to use such material in class. Further interviews were conducted with members of the GaLTaS association (Gay and lesbian teachers and students). The names of participants and their schools have been altered to protect their confidentiality. However, all schools were near the Sydney inner city where recognised homosexual areas were located.

This paper evaluates the responses of these teachers. Broadly, the heterosexual teachers lacked awareness of either homosexuality or body image issues and none used the NSW Resources for Teaching Against Violence Kit, which suggested that these issues did not permeate their ideology. Few heterosexual teachers but all homosexual teachers could identify homosexual students and few heterosexual teachers recognised body image disorders, aside from obesity. These disjunction between the homosexual and heterosexual teachers appeared as profound as the disjunction between high and low school culture (Bourdieu 1984).

Habitus (Bourdieu 1984) is the series of dispositions to act, indicating the values and beliefs of unconscious agendas and reflects the political, social space and other domains each individual occupies. It is the process that utilises the influences of past actions in determining present action and future discourses. The past influences the decisions made in the present. Bourdieu did not consider sexual orientation as part of the habitus, but he recognised gender variables. This paper maintains that habitus is altered by sexual orientation because sexuality is an integral part of self and interactions with others will be influenced by recognition of the homosexuality or heterosexuality of the participants. To hide or disclose sexual orientation can significantly influence the nature of the social interaction. Thus, those who do not understand homosexuality or body image may act in a manner which causes conflict for those who are aware of these factors. The lack of recognition of the sexual orientation of the other makes true rapport untenable because the very foundations of the self and sexuality are rendered impotent. In a like manner, lack of understanding of the impact of body image on identity, or the way in which the self can be negotiated, manipulated and transformed into a socially acceptable object, means that harm can be caused to the other. This is akin to symbolic violence (Bourdieu 1984) because the needs of the other are not taken into account.

Habitus is an active construction, but it is fixed in the social class of the incumbent as every property is seen in its relation to other properties and locates the symbolic meanings of properties in social space (Bourdieu 1990a:113). The individual is essentially passive, accepting the dominant ideology and rarely altering its class position because the habitus produces classifiable practices, attitudes and social tastes, which consti_tute the person's lifestyle (Bourdieu 1984:170). Bourdieu focused on social class and the habitus, but it can be argued (Desmarchelier 1996) that gender and sexual orientation are also discrete fields of the habitus and exert considerable influence on the dispositions to act. The constructed habitus reflects the conditions of its existence and its relationship to other habitus because the values that are encoded in it are in relation to those of the dominant group. In this manner the construction of heterosexuality, which is the dominant ideology, will differ from the construction of homosexuality and each orientation will impact differently upon the disclosure of the body, mannerisms, clothing and associated behaviour. Thus these are pertinent issues for teachers and parents who are primary agents in the socialisation of students. The habitus is influenced by the social trajectory of the class faction the agent belongs to, which, through the probable slope of the collective future, engenders progressive or regressive dispositions towards the future (Bourdieu 1984: 123).

The habitus is located in history as the individual and collective actions of the agent in the present are based upon the active memory of past experiences and their probability for acceptance in the present (Bourdieu 1990c:54). The habitus becomes an embodied history that allows the appearance of autonomous actions, but they are firmly located in the memory of the past, so that the habitus is used spontaneously without consciousness, but which really mirrors the social acceptance of past behaviour (Bourdieu 1990c:56). Since agents are the products of past histories which include class based understanding of behaviour, actions cannot be analysed as the outcome of conscious calculation as they employ past histories which are located in the habitus as the active presence of the past (Bourdieu 1990c:54). Thus, memories of being marginalised for past behaviour becomes internalised and can effect the ability to act in the present, which explains the large number of homosexual, as compared to heterosexual, teachers who are willing to act to prevent the marginalisation of students who are perceived as different to the norm

Bourdieu likens the habitus to a roadmap for action that has encoded beliefs and strategies for action that include social class dispositions to act in each individual (1984). The process is internalised and used unconsciously for one only becomes aware of these dispositions to act when confronted with a situation that challenges their taken-for-granted ways of action (Bourdieu 1990a:63). There are a multitude of potential actions that are governed by rules of behaviour acquired through socialisation, much as there are rules for playing team games, so individuals' actions are not robotic, but influenced by social conditions and conscious actions. There are also different fields such as political space, social space and religious space which in turn modify potential actions depending on the wealth or poverty of the individual and their subordination or domination, but individuals "customise" their space and actions, so that family members may have widely divergent political and religious beliefs despite sharing socialisation into the family culture (Bourdieu 1984). Bourdieu recognises that individuals may operate in different habitus at differing time periods, but he sees homogamy within the different fields (1984), but recent research indicates that the habitus may be more fluid that originally maintained by Bourdieu (Desmarchelier 1996).

The individuals' attitudes and beliefs are modified through _socialisation but only consciously exercised when the person is confronted with conflicting, or new, beliefs. Thus attitudes towards sexual orientation or the presentation of the self are largely unconscious. Those who have reflected on their sexual identity, or the visible exterior of their body, would be more conscious of the process of socialisation than those whose identity was unquestioned. In this way, heterosexuality is reinforced by the dominant paradigm whilst the homosexual persona is actively constructed by individuals in competition with the more visible heterosexual identity and uses symbols to display body and sexual preference which may be overt, but if they are not recognised and interpreted as such by the other, the existence and relative position of that person within social space is not being legitimated. The "seasoned observer" Bourdieu 1990a:113) will recognise these symbols, but the naive person may not do so and could unintentionally alienate the other through symbolic violence.

"For a habitus structured according to the very structures of the social world in which it functions, each property ( a pattern of speech, a way of dressing, a bodily hexis, an educational title, a dwelling place, etc.) is perceived in its relation to other properties, therefore in its positional, distinctive value , and it is through this distinctive distance, this difference, this distinction, which is perceived only by the seasoned observer, that the homologous position of the bearer of this property in the space of social positions shows itself" (Bourdieu 1990a:113).

It is maintained that those teachers who had little empirical understanding of these issues would lack awareness and may unintentionally act in a manner which runs counter to the best interests of the students. Heterosexual teachers would have less understanding of homosexual issues than their gay and lesbian counterparts who, in turn, could also have a better understanding of body image and the process of negotiating identity than the heterosexuals, because they had already consciously negotiated their homosexual identity and sexuality in a world that is predominantly heterosexual. Symbolic violence occurs when the issues are denigrated or hidden. Homosexuality is invisible in NSW school culture or curriculum. There is no mention of the word lesbian in the NSW 7-10 PDHPE syllabus and the word homosexuality exists only under the last key idea in the 'growth and development' strand (Beckett 1996:18). The English syllabus has included some material that acknowledges homosexuality, but these are isolated (Pallotta-Chiarolli 1991 240-243). Schools that emphasise sport and physical prowess alienate the non-athletes and those with body image disorders.

The process of interaction exists within time and space, so that the self negotiated in the past is reflected in the self negotiated in the present. One's sense of self permeates all interactions, but is modulated by the actions of the other and by the context of interaction, so that, if it was wise to hide an aspect of oneself (sexual orientation) in past interactions, the process of keeping that aspect of self hidden may become an unconscious way of behaving in order to avoid harassment. Thus 'coming out' to others is a consciously contrived experience and 'acting straight' may become second nature to homosexuals. "The habitus - embodied history, internalised as a second nature and so forgotten as history - is the active presence of the whole past of which it is the product. As such, it is what gives practices their relative autonomy with respect to external determinism's of the immediate present. This autonomy is that of the past ... The habitus is a spontane_ity without consciousness or will" (Bourdieu 1980. 1990c:56).

The construction of identity encompasses sexuality and awareness of the positioning of the body within social contexts. Thus the stereotype of the perfect heterosexual body is constantly manifested within mainstream popular culture whilst the ideal of the prefect homosexual body has been tangential to most heterosexual members of society because it is rarely depicted outside the gay and lesbian press. Very few school students have positive homosexual images in the school culture, although body image has permeated the secondary school curriculum in health and professional development classes. Homosexual teachers were not allowed to teach in Australian schools until recently and they are still marginalised in religious schools. This means that few Australian school students are exposed to positive role models of practising homosexual teachers and the hidden curriculum promotes the athletic ideal. In this context, it becomes understandable that students are marginalised if they deviate from the norm of heterosexual athleticism and peer negotiated standards of dress and so gay and lesbian students often become invisible by 'acting straight' and hiding their true identity (Epstein 1994; Laskey and Beavis (1996); Walker 1988).

Symbolic violence is used by social agents in order to ensure social reproduction through disadvantaging the groups who are marginalised through economics, social class. gender or locality. Symbolic power is the ability to make people believe that a viewpoint of the world is real and act accordingly, even if it means submitting to the power of another (Bourdieu 1991a:170). Bourdieu gives much weight to the symbolic relations between people and objects because he views social class as a dominating agent, linking symbolic and economic powers (Bourdieu 1984; 1990c:119). Capital, or power, becomes symbolic capital when it is recognised as legitimate and arbitrary truth, although it has no legitimacy to this claim. Thus agents allow themselves to be dominated (Bourdieu 1990a:112). Symbolic power is a manner of constructing reality (Bourdieu 1991a:166) which empowers the dominant at the expense of the dominated in the form of symbolic violence. In this manner the dominant ideology of athletic heterosexuality that is practiced in schools allows one group to dominate the other in a socially constructed manner. Due to the relative lack of numbers of homosexuals (1:10 is the accepted ratio), their ability to relinquish their domination is limited unless significant numbers of heterosexual teachers identify with homosexuality as a social justice or equality issue and seek to end the harassment and domination of lesbians and gays that is so evident in schools.

Domination is also evident in regard to body image as those whose frame or mannerisms deviate from the school's norm receive symbolic violence. People with body image disorders such as obesity, anorexia nervosa or bulimia require understanding and many need assistance to perceive their bodies as acceptable. Those that are unaware of this process may unwittingly set in motion destructive notions about the body which exacerbate the existing condition(s). Simply telling a person with anorexia that they are thin will not stop the starvation process, for there is a disjunction between what is observed and what exists in the mind of the anorexic. Teachers telling such students that they are thin contradicts the notion of self that these students have of themselves and so interactions with the teacher will be disregarded or negated because their analysis of the situation is based on false consciousness through denial of the other. School staff who lack reference to these issues _lead many youth to feel alienated from their peers at a crucial stage in their development.

This section explores the links between sexuality and forms of cultural capital that are manifested by teachers in the school culture. All participants maintained that the dominant school curriculum was heterosexuality (Epstein 1994:5; Rich 1980) but only lesbian and gay teachers sought to overcome this hegemony. Sexuality and sexual orientation are separate entities as the celibate has an unpractised sexual orientation. Sexual identity links one into a series of social arrangements, which is located within the context of cultural, political and economic power, including the stereotyped heterosexual's future of marriage and procreation (Weeks 1985). Sexuality and sexual orientation are fields that are as much an endemic part of oneself and the habitus (Bourdieu 1984) as are the fields of gender or ethnicity, but schools regulate codes of behaviour in the hidden curriculum of heterosexual dominant ideology to maintain homogeneity.

Gay and lesbian teachers and students are often rendered invisible by the hidden curriculum of heterosexuality, especially in religious schools where such practices are not legitimated. Patrick and Saunders (1994:118) argue that a whole school curriculum based on equal opportunities is required to alter this implicit homophobia and suggest regularly involving students with contextual homosexual issues such as gay pride within the regular curriculum.

Body image relates to sexuality and machismo is the dominant paradigm within most school student peer groups, yet this is the most likely form of masculinity to be linked with homophobia (Gay and Lesbian Anti-Violence Project). When the dominant paradigm is machismo heterosexuality, it posits a totally unambiguous world where non-heterosexuality is viewed as abnormal and fails to recognise differences (Epstein and Johnson 1994:198) despite there being a multitude of identities available to individuals to evidence their sexuality or sexual orientation (Connell 1995: Chapter 3). There can also be a link between misogynism and anti-lesbianism and a policing of sexuality and homosexuality (Epstein and Johnson 1994:204). Body image permeates the construction of sexual identity and so the physical changes that occur at adolescence are inextricably linked to sexuality and its delineation in clothing and mannerisms. "It becomes clear that the masculinisation of the male body cannot be the same as the masculination of the female body because the kind of body inscribed makes a difference to the meanings and functioning of gender that emerges" (Gatens 1990:58). Machismo masculinity influences the development of engendered identity amongst gay male students who lack homosexual role models as, when macho behaviour is accepted, non-macho behaviour becomes marginalised. Thus male students who are not homosexual, but who are perceived to be so due to mannerisms or demeanour, become labelled as lesbian or gay, which places them in the invidious position of being unfairly marginalised but unable to repudiate the label or alter the body mannerisms (Walker 1988).

Gender and body image are negotiated and reflexive, so that _"It is possible to distinguish techniques associated with the occupancy of a female body (being female) from techniques that deploy gender as a social strategy (being feminine)" (Craik 1994:44). In this manner, homosexual males can embrace machismo without repudiating their gay identity, as occurred when Ian Roberts 'came out'. Yet the common stereotypes suggest that gay males are effeminate and define themselves clearly as the other so that schoolboys experiencing their homosexuality have been known to embrace machismo masculinity in order to camouflage their sexual orientation (Browne 1995). Within schools, the decision to 'come out' is dependent on context and there are many reasons why teachers and students remain closeted about their sexual orientation although they are aware of the need for positive role models. Fear of losing ones job, exclusion or discrimination are pertinent issues that lead teachers and students to remain in the closet.

The lesbian also has to create her own body and make it recognisable to the lesbian community through representation and gesture. The stereotypes of butch dykes challenge traditional notions of femininity and thus must be renegotiated by the adolescent. "Lesbian femininity challenges the social definitions of women, but it does not mean that lesbian girls and young adults abandon femininity. They fashion and refashion it ... Their self definition will develop according to their age, life circumstances, schooling experience, and post school destination. It will also develop according to their teachers' and parents' social backgrounds and cultural frameworks, which help them forge different understandings about sexism and homophobia" (Beckett 1996:19).

The delineation of masculinity, femininity and sexual orientation is closely related to body image. "No person lies in his or her body merely as a functional instrument or a means to an end. It's value is never simply nor solely functional for it has a (libidinal) value in itself. The subject is capable of suicide, or anorexia ... because the body is meaningful, has significance" (Grotz 1994:32). Because femininity is defined in how a female body is presented and perceived a women' character is frequently judged by her appearance (Craik 1994), it becomes understandable why many females become obsessed by the body and are susceptible to anorexia or bulimia. The body is also the site where sexuality is portrayed and many view the body as a mobius strip wherein the inner is reflected as the outer (Grosz 1994), so that the exterior must conform to the dominant paradigm in order to be accepted, thus the bullying techniques of putting down those who do not conform is so destructive. Young homosexuals can be particularly concerned with the body as they seek to define themselves differently to the dominant media images of heterosexuality yet often lack lesbian and gay role models within the school. Thus , as is ignoring the body image of school students for anorexia and bulimia require coordinated efforts between the person and their significant others in order to effect a cure.

The body and sexual orientation are not fixed entities, but are negotiated (Foucault 1976) , so the ideologies that are reflected by teachers impinge on the consciousness of students. There are no set categories of homosexuality - to define what is a lesbian requires defining what is not lesbian, there is a fluidity between the two categories as "Meanings of sexuality are not fixed meanings are perceived as social products and are formed in and through the defining of activities of people as they interact" (Connell and Dowsett 1994:85). The body is always in a position of becoming as _we never understand all that the body is capable of achieving (Grosz 1994), but schools tend to regulate sexuality through uniforms that hide the body and rules of sexual repression which alienate students from their bodies through negative reinforcement.

Sexuality is socially constructed and is relative. Homophobia is linked to machismo masculinity as the "dominant culture defines homosexual men as effeminate" (Connell 1994:161) so 'real' heterosexual boys act tough to identify as heterosexuals in schools (Walker 1988), leading to antisocial behaviour. In Sydney during mid 1996 and April 1997 the press reported a spate of attacks by school students on homosexuals, plus the sacking or transferral of teachers and students who were identified as homosexuals and were ostracised.

Homophobia will continue unless schools teach otherwise. These Sydney reports illustrate examples illustrate the level of violence that can occur amongst students without alternatives to the hegemonic machismo heterosexuality. Are schools to blame? Social justice demands that schools teach policies of equality in ethnicity, gender, social class or sexual orientation, even when these contradict the family ideologies, but many schools have ignored homophobia and so are culpable of symbolic violence.

1 "The school captain at a large state high school speaks to the whole school assembly. He names a male student and states that the male student knows what a poofter is because he has had inside closet experiences. The male student, who was absent from the school that day, hears about those from gossip, innuendo and the taunting he receives at school the next day. The student requests an explanation from the principal but there is no apology from the school captain or the principal to the student" (Renew 1996:153).

2 In 1991, Sydney High School youths lured a gay man to a park and killed him through stomping on his head, jumping on the genitals and snapping the ribs through jumping on the victim (Connell 1995:155).

The following analysis of the second incident was articulated by a member of the Lesbian and Gay Anti-Violence Project who viewed schools as responsible.

"Let's take the group of high school students, again in the inner city ... They said in a court testimony, that that's what they did regularly on a Friday night. They went for a poofter bash. These guys deliberately did that. They went to a place where they knew gay men met, they found a way of contacting a gay man, they bashed the guy.

Why do these young men actually go out there thinking that they can get away with bashing up a gay man?... they start saying things like, "It was just a fag. Why are you worrying? We do it all the time. Every body does it". They've got a message that it was OK. to go and bash up a fag. When they went through court and then got jailed, they were still threatening with "Why are we going to jail? It's OK. to do this stuff". To any normal person it's not OK.. And that's where the problem lies. What you've got is two things. What you've got is males developing their sexuality in violent ways anyway. That the way men develop is as aggressive beings. That's part of what society tells us men are supposed to be. In order to develop it, they've got to find some place to _develop this aggressiveness. They've got to find some outlet for it ... So they need to find places where they think that they can get away with it, where they can think that they can still develop this aggressiveness, or get rid of this aggressiveness. And they'll look for targets. They'll look for Aboriginals, they'll look for older people and they'll look for fags and dykes, because the message they're getting is, still, that it's OK. to bash up fags and dykes." (Paul 11/9/96).

Altering the habitus of bullying students is critical as their dispositions towards violence are a product of past experiences and present ideologies and these can only be overcome through education. Lack of understanding of an issue is distancing, so when heterosexual teachers separate themselves from homosexual issues, they may fail to act appropriately. Most secondary Health teachers are married females which promotes heterosexuality as the hidden curriculum. Schools and families must act in conjunction to offer a variety of role models for masculinity's and femininities so that students do not become marginalised or bullied into inappropriate actions because of how they are perceived by others. "Our capacity to make ourselves into different selves is a function of the ways in which social conditions have enabled us to constituted cumulatively in the past - and all these ways are manifestations of the 'habitus' which was the disposition to act and think which was enshrined in the ethos of the group into which we were born" (Robbins 1991:173). Teachers have the responsibility for the care and welfare of the students, so their increased understanding of these issues is critical for the students' successful transition into adulthood.

In order to identify the process of cultural capital that is enshrined in the school curriculum, teachers were interviewed on a variety of issues that included their past experiences and their current behaviour when confronted with issues of homophobia or exclusion due to body image. Homosexual teachers' exposure to homophobia made them more aware of these issues and the converse occurred for heterosexual teachers. The invisibility of these issues for most heterosexual teachers meant that they were unintentionally acting out symbolic violence and so it is recommended that teacher training include these issues so that future students will not be penalised.

Habitus is a process wherein the past and present are linked in ones disposition to act. The following exerts from interviews of homosexual teachers indicate the ways in which they were moulded by their exclusion when at school and the manner in which they currently react to homosexuality in the school context. There are five sections.

These exerts indicate the alienation and marginalisation that was typical in the past when schools did not have policies of social justice. It is suggested that these past instances of being harassed make these homosexual teachers more sensitive to the needs of students who are currently being victimised as only one heterosexual teacher actively sought to _prevent homophobia amongst students. The present habitus is a product of past experiences, so it is feasible that these experiences made such teachers more aware of students who were homosexual and, in turn, more sensitive to issues of body image.

"When I was in high school, I don't know if the other students could perceive I was gay or not, but I was quite often left out of being picked for soccer teams and things like that ... I was usually the last one to be picked, or I wasn't picked at all. So in a way I think I was marginalised" (James 17/12/96).

"Three years I hacked it out. Name calling, threats, got into lots of fights. But I think the one that kills the most is the isolation. Rejection, complete rejection and isolation. And I reacted badly to that too, because I was very confused at the time too. I had a hard time when I was growing up. And that's why I said that I wish I would have had the support systems in place then that there are now for homosexual use ... I was in complete denial for a long time. I still am in a certain sense with my parents. Only my sister knows. I really haven't had the need to tell them" (Jane 12/2/97).

"About the time I was about fourteen, I told my parents, everybody I went to school with and all my teachers ... I spent about a year and a half in psychiatry courtesy of my school. They were trying to cure me [of homosexuality] so I could get over this great handicap ... And a letter went round to the parents of the pupils that I was at school saying I was a lesbian ... They suggested I should try and keep away from girls. But the problem was of course that I went to a single sex school and it's very hard to keep away from girls when there's only girls at the school. I had about two or three years where I didn't talk a lot to people because I had this great big 'L' emblazoned on my forehead" (Judy 4/9/96).

"At school I was ostracised by one bloke which had a pretty serious affect on my life. That was the friend that I'd been through my teenage years with. I came out, left the group and tried to gain a bit of independence away from it, just to find myself. I went back for an engagement party and I was harassed in front of a few hundred people by my friend. I lost about twenty friends in one day" (Dennis 20/2/97).

"I've experienced some forms of harassment myself. My friend experienced it recently. It's all too obvious to me that violence is out there in the community and that I've seen it, I've heard it, even experienced it" (Melanie 29/11/96).

Policies such as EEO should assist in eradicating harassment in schools, but the following examples indicate that such bullying continues and suggests that only whole school policies can operate to reduce such discrimination as individual teachers in isolation rarely achieve major social change. It suggests that people are more likely to perceive discrimination in certain areas if they are aware of its existence through past experience encoded in the habitus, hence the lack of awareness by heterosexuals. The following incidents illustrate that homophobia continues in schools despite social justice policies, but that teachers can act to counteract the symbolic violence and maintain their authority.

_

"I know one teacher who is gay but I'm not really sure if he's open to the kids or not ... They might be frightened of being called 'lemons' and frightened of being assaulted verbally abused and all that sort of business ... Yesterday, somebody told me that they were tutoring a student and his mother actually said to the tutor, 'Why are homosexuals allowed to teach in private schools?'" ( James 17/12/96)

When teachers commented on their reactions when homophobia occurred in school they all stressed the injustice issue rather than homosexuality per se.

"What I usually say is, 'Hey this isn't appropriate. Can you see that this is a negative comment? Can you see that this is hurting another person? How would you feel if someone said it to you? It's not appropriate. If you call someone a name, or write about someone can you see that they will be hurt by this. Whether it's true or not is irrelevant'" (Jane 12/2/97).

"I have heard kids say things. But I put them up on that and tell them that that's unacceptable in the way that they speak to each other. I don't tackle the issue about being homophobic, I just say that that's not a decent, respectable way to speak to someone" (Dennis 20/2/97).

"The principal called out a Year Ten that there was a big problem about kids writing on the back of chairs that so-and-so was gay, and calling each other gay in the yard. And a lot of the staff were saying that it's just a way that the Year Ten boys muck around. Mainly Health teachers were saying this. I piped up and said that 'you might think that it's OK.' but it's against the law and it's also against the Catholic doctrine, the Health syllabus, that everyone's the image of God. They were required to stop it. There's that feeling amongst some staff that it's a legitimate form of bullying. They're too scared to say to the kids that's wrong, especially some of the male teachers ... In prayer, I'd try and go through and identify how different everyone is and then we'd pull that in together with a prayer about the fact that God made everyone different, and values every one for their differences" (Dennis 20/2/97).

"I've also been a teacher, hear the comments that happen to kids in class and think, they don't really know what they're saying to each other ... And when I pull them up about it they say, "I really didn't mean it like that" and then we talk about what's the lowest form of insult, and it kind of dawns on them and it's sad that they don't even realise what they're saying." (Melanie 29/11/96).

"We have a number of strategies in dealing with different things. One of them might be counselling kids individually on what they're saying and how it's affecting them. At other times we might raise the subject as the whole school group ... A lot of the time the kids feel that being homosexual is a put down, or a laughable affair. Particularly when they come to the school. The kids are very affected by promotions of body image. And some are sensitive to perceptions that others might have of them being overweight or too thin. Both boys and girls ... " (Mitchell 19/2/97 Heterosexual).

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"To be gay and not to be recognised is just so destructive. Especially in the years of eight, nine and ten and on, the whole of the kids life is revolved around sexuality. Either they're showing off, or they're talking about girls or boys... Students at this school would never be able to take a same-sex partner to the school formal" (Dennis 20/2/97).

Until recently teachers could be dismissed for being homosexual and some schools still discriminate according to religious ideology. The degree of openness re sexual orientation depends upon the teachers' willingness to disclose this matter and most were 'out' to their colleagues, but not to their students either because the principal requested this, or due to perceived harassment if they were 'out'. This raises a dilemma as to the need for visible role models for students and the penalties that could be exerted upon the teacher unless a whole school policy was instigated so that all the school were aware of the issues. Nearly all the 'out' gay and lesbian teachers knew of graffiti in the school grounds that identified and denigrated them. Another issue is the acceptance by staff of one's lifestyle and partner. Only one 'out' participant took his same sex partner to staff events, yet this is a basic right that heterosexual teachers never question. The hidden curriculum of heterosexuality was maintained by most of the participant schools which had policies of Year 12 students only being able to attend their school graduation party if accompanied by a partner of the opposite sex.

The time and place of disclosure influenced students' acceptance.

So I said to them, if you want to ask any questions about what it's like being gay you can direct them at me, being a lesbian teacher in an all girls school. They reacted by their jaws dropping. They were completely stunned. And we ended up discussing it for about two hours, where I just let them go and ask what they wanted. They were very mature about it. They were very concerned for me about losing my job, or getting in trouble now that I'd told them. I just said, if they choose to tell their parents then that's their choice, but I hadn't done anything wrong so I shouldn't be worried" (Jane 12/2/97).

_"I was closeted when I first arrived. I then became involved in a straight relationship ... Once that relationship broke up, I then basically, probably owned up and came out of that denial stage, with my own feelings and then it was just a gradual process of coming out to other staff members who I'd worked with for three years already and who had known me in a straight relationship. I suppose I had a lot of fear about rejection of people I had worked with" (Jane 12/2/97).

"A friend of mine's mother had a funeral service for him when she found out he was a gay man because she had decided she was going to have nothing to do with him any more, it was over, her son had died" (Judy 4/9/96).

"In terms of my experience, there's only one school that students are happy to come out. I know some teachers are out at schools. I know of one in the Catholic school who is out. At another state school a number of teachers were out and the issues of homophobia against those teachers were horrific" (Mitchell 19/2/97 Heterosexual).

"At my previous school, things were a lot more complicated, because a lot of kids worked out that I was gay, and I copped a fair bit of flack from that. Initially I didn't know how to deal with that ... But as time went on, in my third year there, I actually addressed the issue from day one. I thought this issue will come up, and I did what Maria Pallotta-Chiarolli recommends, which is teach the kids from the start of the class to respect one another, and that prejudice is not allowed, homophobia is not allowed. I dealt with it from day one and that sort of stopped it from being an issue in the earlier year groups. But with the older year groups, the problem came before I realised it was going to come and I had to be defensive in stopping it ... Here, I'm out only to three teachers. I'm going to be very careful and only tell the teachers who I know very well. I'd never come out to the students. If a parent complained I could be at risk of losing my job... You're at risk if you make it public. If your public life is contrary to the beliefs of the Catholic church there is grounds for dismissal. At the moment, my sexuality is not my public life. If I made it public, say by telling the kids" (Dennis 20/2/97).

"Recently, when I had a discussion with my Year Seven class, I told them of the 'Homophobic - What are you scared of' campaign. We were talking it over in class and some of the students were saying 'Are you a lesbian?' and I said, 'Well, yeah'. And I know there is enough information in the school for them to know that, but until it came out of my mouth they wouldn't believe it. And we argued about it, but they thought I must have been, because of the short hair and the jeans. There is stereotyping, especially for the kids" (Melanie 29/11/96).

"Some of the cases, in particular students in this school, are seen to be very powerful and it's seen as kind of a novelty for them to proclaim their sexuality to a group and have a lot of control over that group. I know it seems weird, and it's incredibly unusual that it happens like that, but in this incidence, she proclaimed herself to be gay to all the students. She is, and she'll admit it and she'll behave like that in school, but the other girls in her class and her social network all hold her in very, very high esteem ... the group of friends that follow her all say they're part of the gay gang ... But on the other case, _I've seen girls that have been victimised, isolated, all the 'normal', all the expected kind of behaviour we see against girls" (Jane 12/2/97).

"I'm openly gay to my students. They know that I'm homosexual. They were interested at first but then after they'd asked me quite a few questions they sort of, they don't really ask that much any more. It [the news] actually travelled quite slowly because I know with my Year Eleven's, they didn't know I was gay until the last week. So I came out to them too" (James 17/12/96)

"Two of them [teachers] were openly gay in school and the third was closeted. The two who were openly gay in school had no qualms about it at all. One of them was involved in a couple of instances that involved physical violence, where she was the victim of name calling, and graffiti, and then went out and rebelled against all of that ... Since the day, I came out they [the students] were fantastic. They were so supportive. They thought it was wonderful. The best thing. And even one of the Muslim girls actually said, which was really touching, "OK. Miss, now you know how we feel when we walk down the street and some body will yell abuse at us because we're Muslim" and I thought, Yeah" (Jane 12/2/97).

"There are a few students who left school because they got so much hassle... It would depend on how they did it, and to what extent they came out. If they came out to female friends, I think the females are pretty good generally, but if a male came out to his male friends ... I don't think any one would actually go out and bash that kid but there'd be a lot of just constant needling over a period of time such as that they entirely forget about the other pressures like the HSC" (Melanie 29/11/96).

The homosexual teachers were far more likely to identify instances of homophobia in schools and do something about it than were the heterosexual teachers. They did not tolerate using language such as poofter or lesso to put down students and most used these classroom situations to clarify that is was not acceptable to discriminate against homosexuals or to use derogatory language against their peers. Several interviewed heterosexual teachers said that using words such as queer to denigrate another students was relatively harmless and of no concern and only one heterosexual teacher attempted to stop homophobia.

"I became interested in homosexual issues when a student went backwards in confidence and no one knew why. And later in a shopping centre he said he was gay. I felt he was going backwards because he was fighting against what others would think of him" (Mitchell 19/2/97).

The following examples illustrate the reactions by homosexual teachers to instances of homophobia, all of whom focused on the inappropriateness of the harassment rather than on the issue of homosexuality.

"Well you pull them [students] up for it and you say, "Well, how do you know the guy's homosexual? I wouldn't accuse you of being homosexual if I didn't know it and, if you wanted to call a person homosexual use the correct term. Don't call him a faggot or whatever the wo_rd is, use gay or homosexual" (James 17/12/96)

"The other area of violence that we need to think about, is that period where people try and work out who they are sexually. That period around fourteen, fifteen till around eighteen, nineteen when they leave high school and into the adult world. Where violence in schools is a really big issue that is very difficult to come to terms with. Any fag or dyke will tell you that your school years, where you're trying to negotiate their sexuality, were very difficult times. That they were often the victims of all sorts of harassment certainly verbal, a lot of it also verging to the physical. Targeted violence against them. But when there was a program called School Watch run by gay and lesbian teachers and students group, over a period last year, and the volume of reports they got on violence was fairly extraordinary, enough to actually set a lot of alarm bells going. And in fact the new program that's been targeted by the Anti-Violence project, is very much targeting schools. Trying to get the message across to men and women who are trying to work out their sexuality that they don't actually have to tolerate violence and that the Departments and schools do actually support that" (Paul 11/9/96).

"Back to school, it frightens me if a kid came out because all the councillors here are brothers or priests, and I think 'Oh dear', because they'd give a whole lot of sympathy and teach them to pray, and take time to find the right girl. There would be no acceptance at all. I never came out at school and as a teacher, I've never known for a kid to come out at school. If you pick up a kid at school for calling another a 'faggot' and then you look around at those watching, you'll pick up that one has a little smile, contented look. That's what I try and tell the staff, that by picking up on someone calling another a 'faggot', the kid being hurt may not be the one it was called to but the kid who overhears and knows that he's gay. It's indirect abuse to that kid. School doesn't tolerate racial slandering" (Dennis 20/2/97).

The use of stereotypes serves to identify the group of lesbians and gays so that they can be separated from the heterosexuals. However the homosexuals are as diverse a group as are the heterosexuals, so the process of taking on or not taking on these stereotypes indicates much about the person and their negotiation of sexual orientation and body image. 'Camping it up' forces the other to come to terms with their understanding of homosexuality in a manner that non-disclosure does not. Therefore "'homosexuals' are thus depicted as a uniform type, an abstract, generalised, and thus dehumanised menace-especially dangerous because they cannot necessarily be identified ... It is therefore imperative that the cultural iconography of 'the homosexual' has precedence over any representations that might reveal the actual diversity and complexity of sexual choice" (Watney 1991:394-395)".

The homosexuals were aware of the link between body image and sexuality in a manner that was not overt amongst the heterosexual teachers. The use of clothes, body and gesture in the delineation of self was overt in their responses. Alternately, only one heterosexual teacher linked body and gesture to sexuality.

"I think they think that I fit the protocol pretty well, because I wear jeans and T-shirts to work. I've got a shaved head and I've got earings all around my ears. I ride a motorbike. They often think that _I fit the protocol ... that's just me. There are other people that aren't, that don't fit the stereotype. There are butch dykes, you know there are normal people, just like you and me. You could walk out into the street and not know there was a gay person standing in front of you ... I talk to my classes about it as well, when we are on HIV issues and such, I say, well how do you know the other person's gay?" (Jane 12/2/97).

"The kid got labelled as gay because of his gentle nature... The kid was able to create his own responses to it, otherwise it would have been dealt with in the group. He was gentle, he didn't involve himself in rough games plus quaint characteristics, was accompanied by his mother and grandmother usually ... There was a girl who was lesbian. She was exclusively interested in girls. She seemed to get on with most kids, probably because of her personality. Her parents didn't accept it. Soon after she left school as she was kicked out of home" (Mitchell 19/2/97).

"No. I think a lot of gay people when they first came out, feel that they have to be like that to be accepted in the gay community. After a while you think, 'this is a joke', and then you start to meet other people in the gay people and you realise that there's heaps of gay people like men, who drive trucks and play football, and heaps of lesbians who like to wear heels, and do their eyes. All those stereotypes are so incredibly wrong and they're incredibly destructive. ... I think often a gay kid is unsure of themself, a bit quiet, or the other way... The stereotypes aren't true. There's two sides to this, there's a lot of value in the stereotypes. They give the community an identity and be visible but they don't see our normal life" (Dennis 20/2/97).

"The machismo of boys of that age group, from Year seven to ten and then it drops off a little bit. But they try and prove their masculinity, by gay bashing. Whether it's simply calling them "faggots"... There are stereotypes. I tend to think that they take them on unintentionally ... Kids, especially boys, get teased if they're effeminate. I think if a girl is really butch, I think she'd get hassled. There's a lot of pressure on boys. A lot of society puts a lot of pressure on boys" (Melanie 29/11/96).

"Where are the role models? ... k.d. laing gets on the cover of 'Vanity Fair' and being shaved by Cindy Crawford, the heart of every lesbian in the country beats with excitement, I think ... We need those sorts of role models... You go out into the community and there's seventeen and eighteen year old baby dykes. They look terribly scared and worried that they are going to grow up like the image their mother has told them. Suddenly when they realise they're lesbian, they'll lose their dress sense, they won't be able to wear high heeled shoes any more, and they'll become allergic to stockings. That's it, pants for life" (Judy 4/9/96).

These were some of the issues defined as important by the homosexual teachers and are included to indicate that the message they want imparted to students is not going to cause a moral panic, but simply to restore social justice to the school culture. These exerts from selected interviews are typical of the information given by homosexual respondents and have been chosen to illustrate awareness of issues and the key concerns of these teachers.

_

"I know with homosexuality, with my kids in particular, they're not really that worried about whether a teacher or another student is homosexual, they're more interested in if a certain person can do a particular job, they're going to do their teaching or if they can work right with the rest of the class. I think they're the main priorities of students" (James 17/12/96).

"My parents went out of their way to teach me to be a good little heterosexual, and almost all of my lesbian and gay friends who have heterosexual parents too. They did their best to teach us to be straight, but it didn't work because I don't believe that sexuality can be taught. So if it can't be taught and it can't be caught, why is it so dangerous?" (Judy 4/9/96).

"Over all, it suggests that of the level of physical violence, lesbians are likely to be victims of violence, six times more so than straight women, excluding the intimates of domestic violence. So we're talking about non-partner involved violence. If you're a gay man, the level of violence you're likely to come across is twelve times higher than the average level of violence than the straight man, in terms of, again, non-domestic related violence. So, though we don't know the absolute data, the trend seems to be that there is a significantly larger portion of violence towards gay men and lesbians then there is to straight men and women" (Paul 11/9/96).

The homosexual teachers cited more instances of body image disorders than did the heterosexual teachers, who tended to only see obesity rather than anorexia or bulimia and thus none of the heterosexuals had strategies for interaction with students undergoing body image disorders. However, awareness did not mean that they used appropriate measures as one of the gay teachers contradicted recommended practices for anorexia as illustrated in the following example.

"I had a student in Year eight who perceived she was overweight, and, in fact, I would think that she was one of the thinnest girls in my class at the time ... I'd heard she'd ended up in hospital and the reason was, she was lacking nutrition and she was actually diagnosed as having anorexia. "

Interviewer "What sort of things did you say to her?"

"You're not overweight at all. In fact I think how you look is quite normal. I don't think that you've got any problem with your weight, or with your body form at all. I think you should just make sure that you're eating the right sort of food, make sure you exercise. But just starving yourself just isn't going to help.". Because she'd come to school, in the class, and she'd be tired and she wouldn't do any work, because she didn't have any nutrition. So I just tried to encourage her as much as I possibly could." (James 17/12/96).

Alternately, those who understood the body image issues were able to offer support and liase with appropriate agencies and identify with the students rather than tell them to alter behaviour and stop dieting, as in the previous example. Lesbians were the most likely teachers to observe anorexia or bulimia and to act appropriately. It is important these teachers worked in conjunction with each other and _with the students within a whole school program for this type of situation to be rectified. The increase in body image disorders means that all teachers should be taught appropriate strategies for dealing with these at risk group. The following example illustrates how a lesbian teacher initiated appropriate action because of her awareness of body with self image.

Disclosure, she came and disclosed it and also, through teaching, observation, I noticed she was getting thinner and she was sick and she was tired a lot. And therefore she came to me, as well as her student adviser ... I basically said that she was very brave. That she was confident, and that this was the right thing to do, to come and ask somebody for help instead of trying to deal with it on her own and that was the first step in her recovery. And we ended up in getting her in to R. She was admitted in R on a casual basis, once a week, for over two months. Quite a while. She had very little family support " (Jane 12/2/97).

The harassment experienced by students who have been discriminated against because of body image or mannerisms has not been detailed here, but evidence suggests that some heterosexual students are labelled as being gay/lesbian and then become estranged from their peers, but do not identify with homosexual culture or know how to repudiate the label. Others are marginalised because of body size or shape which is unacceptable under EEO policies, but occurs when the stereotypes of the ideal body dominate student culture. Education in body image issues should be part of the curriculum so as to counter the unrealistic images of body that models provide for teenagers who conform to the dominant culture.

The concepts of habitus and symbolic violence have been used to illustrate how homosexual teachers tend to be aware of issues of discrimination against students in the areas of homosexuality or body image. Additional data (not included in this paper) indicated that homosexual teachers were far more aware of these issues than were the typical heterosexual teachers. It suggests that whole school policies need to be used in order to raise consciousness of these issues and to offer support to those students at risk of being marginalised as individual teachers acting in isolation from each other cannot combat the homophobia that existed amongst some students in the schools. The homosexual teachers were generally sensitive to these issues, so they were more likely to witness interactions that illustrated homophobia or marginalisation due to body image than were _those teachers who were oblivious to these issues. However, all teachers need to be aware in order to decrease harassment of minority groups within schools.

The extreme hatred that characterises homophobia was illustrated in the two examples where school students were able to harass, even kill, homosexuals. These examples are fortunately rare in Australian schools, but they illustrate the extremes of behaviour that are possible when one group is permitted to dominate another. The fact that they were perpetrated by school students indicates the extremities of behaviour possible unless schools instigate policies where such attitudes and behaviour is made unacceptable.

The awareness by homosexual teachers of body image issues is linked to their negotiation of identity and their ability to accept or reject the stereotypes of the typical homosexual. There is no one paradigm for expressing sexuality of either sexual persuasion. Thus, machismo can be replaced with more sensitive Masculinities (Connell 1995) and corporeal feminism is possible (Grotz 1994). Whilst Jane wears jeans and T shirt to work and has her head shaved in line with stereotypes, none of the other participants were portraying any such stereotypes in their dress or behaviour and thus they were invisible to others as homosexuals unless they chose to disclose their sexual preference through social interaction. This ability to negotiate when and how to 'come out of the closet' is itself problematic because students need positive role models, but the punitive measures that are used against teachers who 'come out' in schools illustrates how profoundly the dominant paradigm of heterosexuality is accepted despite the EEO policies that underpin the ethos of Australian schools.

Habitus tends to be stable and enduring over time, but it is not rigid and thus it can accept new ways of acting and can accommodate alternate realities. It is hoped that such alternate realities as social justice can be subsumed into consciousness by those who are currently acting in opposition to social justice and equity in regards to homosexuality and body image in schools. Sexual orientation is maintained to be an essential part of the habitus, but education can make teachers and students aware of the ideology and dispositions to act that are manifested by those of alternate sexual orientations, so that unintended symbolic violence will not occur in the future.

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