COCKB97.128
THE RURAL SCHOOL AS A LEARNING COMMUNITY'
Sifting the Rhetoric to Locate the Reality
Barry Cocklin
School of Education
Charles Sturt University
P.O. Box 588
WAGGA WAGGA
AUSTRALIA 2678
Paper Presented at the Australian Association for Research in Education
Conference Brisbane, 30 November - 4 December, 1997
The Rural School as a Learning Community': Sifting the Rhetoric to Locate the Reality
Barry Cocklin
Introduction
In 1995, the New South Wales Department of School Education (DSE)
produced a discussion paper which sought to "promote the building of learning
communities throughout all sectors of the Department as a basis for enhancing
professional development and student learning outcomes" (NSW, DSE,
1995: Forward). An examination of the
sources upon which this DSE document was based shows a strong emphasis
upon processes and rhetoric derived from
the business sector and the work on learning organisations in USA
business contexts (see, Senge, 1990). The DSE
approach has been derived rather than presenting an analysis and
interpretation seeking to develop and critique in
terms of the school context. Once again, then, this is a change
imposed from without, and one where the business
rhetoric has been implanted' without further consideration, and,
despite the use of the term learning community',
the document presents an unchallenged case for learning
organisations'. It is in this sense, then, that we have sought
to argue (see, Cocklin, et al, 1996a,b; Coombe, et al, 1996) for the
adoption of the term Learning Community (see,
Wagner, 1993) for educational contexts, but within a framework which
allows for the interchange of ideas between
both perspectives, community' and organisation'. Accordingly, rather
than merely imposing the organisational
learning' model upon education, as it might be argued the DSE has
sought to do, we need to reinterpret it in view
of the educational contexts and goals. At the same time, this is not
to reject the point that there is a contra opinion,
or that there are those who use organisation' within both contexts
(see, Isaacson & Bamburg, 1992; Retallick,
1996).
What we need, therefore, is to develop approaches which build upon the
skills of teachers, which recognise their
professional expertise (see, Sellars, 1996), and which provide
...new guidelines and principles for knowing how to work in, lead
and renew our schools in our rapidly
changing world; and ones that aren't just borrowed uncritically
from the profit-centred world of business.
(Hargreaves, 1995:4)
The process, then, is one of reflection-in-action whereby concepts
derived from the literature on learning
organisations' and learning communities' are applied within case study
sites invoking strategies which
...allow and encourage schools to engage in the kind of democratic
dialogue that fosters the development
of a polity, a community with shared purpose. (Darling-Hammond,
1993:760)
The present paper focuses on one particular school, Rana Primary, and
examines the basis for considering this
context as indicating aspects of the learning community' notion as it
is enacted in action.
Context and the Research
Rana Primary School was opened in 1935, and has been a two-teacher
school for most of its history. During the
research in 1996, David Kennedy, the Principal, taught Upper Division
(Years 3-6), and Bev Osborne taught Lower
Division (Kindergarten-Year 2), while there was also a part-time
release teacher/librarian, school secretary and
school handy-person. For Term 2, a 4th Year BEd(Primary) teacher
student, Sally Dean, took Upper Division for
an 8-week extended Practicum. This involves the student as full-time
teacher, releasing the classroom teacher for
a period of professional development. There were 38 pupils at the
start of the research, 18 (9 girls, 9 boys) in Upper
Division, 20 (9 girls, 11 boys) in Lower Division. Although the
majority of pupils come from the Rana district,
others travelled past their local school to attend Rana Primary.
There are those occasions when, as a visitor, you enter a school and
there is a certain, very subjective, feeling that
things are working. The pupils and teachers appear comfortable with
their situation, there is a sense of enjoyment,
and a feeling that learning is taking place. Furthermore, there is a
strong sense of community' and interaction, and
often support derives from the wider community context. Such were my
impressions when I first came to Rana
Primary School in September 1995. During the remainder of the year, I
continued to spend time at the school, as
a visitor, working with teachers and pupils, teaching some lessons, and
participating in end-of-year school-community functions such as the
fete and Concert.
The initial intentions of the research arose from these first contacts
with the school with a view towards seeking to
determine what worked and why'. The research question, therefore,
was: what is it that makes the school what
it is, and how can this understanding be better used and translated
into more effective learning for the school and its
community? In adopting this, we sought to start with a description of
the culture of the school, then, through an
action orientation use these findings to examine and reflect upon the
situation, effecting strategies and processes of
change and development as a result (Cocklin & Davis, 1996). The
conduct of the research was one of involved
participation', where at various times I took the roles of teacher',
friend', critical advocate', in a context where
I sought to have a shared experience of the school in action. The
research involved interviews of staff, pupils, and
some of the parents, as well as extensive observations, by myself,
while David used oral history' interviews to focus
upon:
What has happened in the past that has bonded the community and the
school so closely together and how
does this affiliation work to make the school the learning
community' it seems to be.
The research focussed on participant realities as they acted to develop
the experiences of schooling (see, Smyth,
1995). The research was predicated on the basis that learning is an
unpredictable task', the investigation of which
requires time spent in the context, observing, talking, and reflecting,
between researcher-as-participant and those
directly involved in the situation (Woods and Jeffrey, 1996).
Data collection and analysis was within a broadly based interactionist
paradigm to derive categories which were then
related to an examination of the overall notions of creative
teachers' (Woods, 1995; Woods and Jeffrey, 1996) and
learning communities' (for example, Johnson, 1995). In so doing, the
study sought to celebrate' the perception
within the school that children learning' should be the focus of
education. This context and perception appeared
to represent the antithesis of the technocratic emphasis which has
teachers' work in danger of becoming a less
reflective, more bureaucratic, deprofessionalised, de-skilled activity
(see Apple, 1986), through the increased
emphasis upon a business-oriented managerialism and political control
of both content and process (see, Ball, 1994;
Pollard, et al, 1994).
Rana Primary
As David was already aware, and as my initial involvement in the school
clearly indicated, there were certain crucial
elements derived from the context and the history of the local district
which had a marked influence upon both the
school and its relationships, both interpersonal and with the
community.
The Context
Although only a few kilometres outside a major rural centre, the school
and community are very much isolated and
independent of their larger neighbour, reflecting both history and
geography. Settled in the 1930's, forty-one
families were balloted for undeveloped rural blocks on the banks of a
large river subject to occasional flooding which
has precluded denser settlement and preserved the rural nature. With
the Great Depression in full swing', some
were among the unemployed, and all were pioneers with little more than
basic tools and a willingness to turn their
block into a home to sustain them. Separated from the town by poor
roads and a lack of transport, they came to rely
on each other, and from early accounts rapidly developed a strong sense
of community. Most occupied their land
and lived in tents or shacks for the first few years while they built a
permanent home, they walked to town for food,
drew water from the river, and worked together to get their land
prepared. As the Depression eased, some of the
men obtained work in town, leaving further development of the farm to
their family, and to evening work where all
the community turned out to help'. This independence from the larger
centre, and sense of sharing' and working
together generally remain today, at least in part due to the
descendants from the original settlers.
This history has contributed to a pattern of constructive community
involvement and interaction within the school.
In turn, this has promoted feelings of ownership by all stakeholders,
represented in an allegiance to the school and
the learning that occurs within. It was these aspects which
demonstrated the ways in which context, teaching and
learning, interactions, and development of the self integrated into
providing an environment wherein learning was
relished by all involved.
Rana School: a learning Community'
The people at Rana often used the term Learning Community' to describe
the school. However, this term is subject
to differing, and at times contested, interpretations, as well as one
often applied as a generic descriptor to schools.
Here, then, I have used the term community' in recognition that the
discourse is not neutral and that we need to
consider the point that the term learning organisation' may signify an
acceptance' of a dominant position for the
managerialism and economic rationalism inherent in the term deriving
from its business origins, and certainly within
the current political agenda.
The notion of community' as applied by those at Rana, was a sense of
working together', working with', wherein
difference' and even contestation' are valued, and which placed
particular emphasis upon the everyday lived reality
of the school context. This notion of community', in terms of
relationships and children learning, was most akin
to going with the flow' which "puts the emphasis on process, and
involves intuition, spontaneity, tacit knowledge',
enthusiasm and fun" (Woods and Jeffrey, 1996:34).
The idea of learning community' is not new and, indeed, many teachers
will recognise elements and hold that this
is reflected, in some ways, in their contexts. However as the paper
indicates there are essential differences between
the parts' and the whole'. The basic premise of learning community'
is one of participation by all in the process:
Our traditional concept that teachers teach, students learn, and
administrators manage is completely
altered. In a community of learners, everyone is about the business
of learning, questioning,
investigating, and seeking solutions. The basis for human
interaction is no longer a hierarchy of who
knows more than someone else, but rather the need for everyone to
contribute to the process of asking
questions and investigating solutions. (Kleine-Kracht, 1993:392)
It is also suggested that this notion of community' cannot be
implemented through a top-down' approach, but
requires a bottom-up' process of development, and one involving all
stakeholders. For this reason, it was decided
to focus on the particular site through seeking to ascertain the views
of all participants of their culture and its
workings'.
Our School': Ownership' - From Past to Present
The point that the history of both school and district influenced the
current context, as David noted, should serve to
remind us that:
The school has reaped the rewards' from the historical development
of the community and will continue
to do so as long as it remembers its origins and feeds' the needs
of the community to be involved..
Rather, then, than seeking the continuous improvement' derived from
the corporate sphere (see, Senge, 1990) which
underpins much of the change rhetoric' at present, within educational
contexts there are elements of the school we
may wish, upon critical reflection, to preserve (Hargreaves, 1995).
From the oral history interviews, certain characteristics of the
school, and school-community relationships, emerged.
One of the dominant themes was that of pride', as one of the
past-pupils (from 1938) recounted:
It went from one generation to the other and that went down through
the school. But you took a pride in
your school. Because we went to the Rana School and I suppose
because we were all so close we took
pride in the school so much so that even when we grew up, the ones
that didn't shift away from Rana you
still continued that same effort that your parents had.
This ongoing contact with the school reflects both an allegiance and
ownership which continues to be a particular
feature of the context. At various school functions, sporting
carnivals, fete, and concerts, members of the local
community, and past pupils, were regularly in attendance. Furthermore,
during the research a number of past pupils
dropped in when they had a day off from their secondary school. Not
only did they come to the school, but some
sat in on the classes, took part in the lessons, and offered assistance
to the teacher and pupils. This ownership and
relationship with the school continues, as one parent commented about
her older children who had left the Rana
district:
Even with the bigger girls now, they pretty much think of Rana as
their' school. I've got to tell them
about it because they want to know what's going on - anything that's
got to do with Rana they just help.
Across-generational ties continue, with a parent of two current
children noting that not only were she and her mother
past pupils, but it was her grandmother who "got the school going".
There remains a continuity of involvement with
the school, certainly amongst a core who have returned as parents in
the P&C and support for the school, but also
in general from among the local community who, as one noted, "look on
the school like it's our school".
From the early days, there has been a sense of allegiance to and
ownership of the school, which continues to the
present, represented in an awareness of the school amongst the Rana
community and reflected in the comment by
all that what we do is for the kids'. The culture' of the school,
and its historical context, is a factor in developing
this sense of community' over time and through particular
relationships and strategies. This is not to argue that a
learning community' cannot be developed within another school, rather
that the starting point' must be the historical
context and it may require processes of reculturation (see, Hargreaves,
1995). We need to recognise, also, that
schools are not just marked by their commonalities, but also by their
differences. That an environment which
facilitates children learning may be in marked contrast to the
uniformity of product, architecture, technology, and
work practices, underpinning the McDonaldization' (see, Ritzer, 1993;
Craft, 1996) of society, aspects of the
learning organisations' model (see, Cocklin, 1997), and some
suppositions of the political educational reform
agenda.
Our Great School'
With the present dominance by political and economic imperatives in the
educational debate and rhetoric (see, Bates,
1993; Marginson, 1993), direct input from children, or their families,
is infrequently valued or sought. Children
are not mere receivers of information, they are engaged with teachers
and community in a shared process as
constructors of meaning, thus we should pay greater attention to their
perceptions of schooling. In particular, those
which contribute to their preparation for a future where knowledge and
change are best served by autonomous,
critical and reflective learners.
Pride in the history and the school
Some of the pupils reported the history of the school as an important
factor which they would tell a new person'
about, as Mark noted "First, I'd probably give you its history. Well,
Rana has a very good history about how it came
to be".
There was also a strong sense of pride' in the buildings, particularly
the older block which now forms the
classrooms, which some felt had been spoilt' by a new library in front
closer to the main road:
I'd move the library out the back of the school because it, like,
blocks off the actual school. It's, like,
jammed out and the rest of the school looks dull. I'd like the
library around the back so you can see the
actual school. (Petra)
Neither Mark nor Petra have connections through the original
families', yet evidently saw this history as an
important aspect. For others it was family connections, even where the
family had moved away from the district
for a time:
My Pop used to go to this school and he's always said it was good
and that. My Pop suggested we should
go and have a look. (Ben)
Clearly evident among comments made by all the pupils was a strong
sense of pride in their school, with all
expressing that this was the best' school, reflected in the point that
there were no major' changes suggested, all
wanting to maintain the current situation. The sense of ownership also
came through strongly, expressed in terms
of our' school and their loyalty to it, for instance when asked to
sell' his school to me, Mark said "To make you
come here I'd tell you how great we are".
Summarising the pupil attitudes towards school were comments by Bev
Osborne that at Rana you have to kick the
kids, and some of their parents, out at the end of the day'.
Throughout the research, pupils stayed after school, in
the classroom playing on the computers, talking with each other, or
with the teachers, or playing around the grounds.
Similarly, parents stayed talking with various children, each other or
with the teachers. As Bev noted, in all her
prior experiences, pupils were always in a rush to leave, and few if
any parents entered the school grounds other than
on formal visits. Similarly, David noted that "even when you give them
an early mark', they hang around in the
classroom until the bell goes - they don't want to leave". Parents
also reported this enthusiasm for school:
The best thing my children have learnt is the fact that they like
school and it's not a common thing for
children to like school. .... It's rare that we have had to drag
them out of bed. Most morning's Mark's
up and dressed by 7.15, ready to go. He would walk out the door
there and then.
Togetherness' - a sense of family and community:
One important feature of the school, was the togetherness' produced
within the small school environment, including
benefits such as space provided by the large area and small number of
pupils, relationships in terms of making
friends, and the teaching/learning situation, as Nicole comments:
There's not much people - so there's not much bullying. We all get
to learn a lot more because there's
not many of us and the teacher has more time to teach us. Most of
us get along very well. And so you
could have more chance of getting friends in other classes. You
just get to know other people in higher
grades who know more.
While a number of the pupils noted a lack' of bullying, fights did
occur at Rana, it was not an idyllic' setting, but
rather the pupils focussed more on the positive aspects of their
interpersonal relationships.
The effects of size, and their contribution to both relationships and
learning featured prominently in parent comments
as well:
I took them up to [nearby school] for a week and the kids nearly
died. They didn't like it. It was too big,
too much of a shock for them. They were used to having, not only
me, but other parents. They were
really used to having that closeness' with everybody else. Then I
brought them down here and that was
the end of it.
It was evident throughout the study that the small size contributed to
the formation of a particular set of relationships,
between pupils, with teachers, and with the wider community. On the
other hand, I would be loathe to suggest that
size is the determining factor, rather that pupil:teacher ratio needs
to be given consideration in larger schools, as
well as relationships and community involvement. Again, then, these
are things which all must work towards, a
process of negotiation and personal and professional development, which
can be neither implanted' nor created'
over a short period of time. In the present political agenda where
efficiency' is often equated with big is better',
and class size is determined purely in economic rationalist terms,
perhaps we need to give greater effort to
publicising the point that teachers, pupils, and parents realize the
considerable advantages in the small school'
environment (Cocklin, 1997).
The interpersonal relationships, both in and out of the classroom, were
supportive and seen by pupils as a central
benefit from the Rana context:
It's got good kids. Some [bad] behaviour - well, some of them - but
there's no bullies. Because everyone
cooperates. Yeah, like a family thing. Some fight but not as much.
We sort it out.
I: Who sorts it out' - teachers or pupils?
Both. (Taylor)
This concept of family' was noted as a defining characteristic of
Rana, by parents, pupils, and teachers. During
the study, pupils indicated these are my friends', reporting any
changes in these groups, while many of the fights'
were akin to a form of sibling rivalry'. As David suggested at the
start of Term 3, some discipline issues had arisen
over what he termed a "rivalry for position as the top dog' in the
school". On the other hand, Taylor emphasised
the strong group loyalty noting that they "stuck up for each other",
and "against everyone - in the school and out of
the school". An incident at an inter-schools athletics carnival
exemplified this support. As one of the senior girls
competed in the 800 metres, a parent organised community members into a
cheer squad', then, when by the final
lap she could only walk, a number of her peers went out and accompanied
her to the finish. This involvement and
support, then, is not only amongst the pupils, but the community as a
whole supporting all Rana children. As David
commented on a similar context at a swimming carnival "they were all
[parents] walking up and down the side going
come on, you can do it, you can get there'. Wasn't necessarily their
kid, just a Rana kid. That happens all the time
- that's just not then - they do, they support each other - no matter
what it is". It was also clearly evident in the
general relationships at school where, for instance, if one is hurt or
upset others rally around and offer help.
Overall, the general point was made by parents that:
[Rana] seems to bring out that protective attitude. It's taught
them a lot about relationships. Because
they've got all the kids, they've got the teachers, then they've got
the parents, then the community -
everybody is so involved, and there's so many different
personalities involved - it gives them a good
grounding. It is like a family.
This sense of supportive community', contributed to by the historical
context, was not a given'. Rather, it required
conscious effort and leadership, initially when David was appointed as
Principal:
Second objective, I suppose, was to build up the community support
again, because it had suffered a little
because of the previous Principal. He had come from Regional Office
and hadn't been in a school for
about 8 years - and that was reflected in the comments by the
parents - the fact that he locked' himself
in the office and wouldn't talk to anybody. Another objective was
to get out and make the school a
community school again, and reinforce some of the things that people
had been saying that they wanted
done.
As this suggests, and ongoing data supported, David has continued to
build upon the notion of learning community'
at Rana, it is not a static entity, but one that requires work and
action. The results of this has seen a continuation
of parent involvement in a variety of in-school and out-of-school
activities. It was also very evident that parents felt
comfortable about coming to the school, even just for a look during the
day, and that the commonly held view was:
To everybody it is their school. They'll donate their time, they'll
donate their energy, they'll donate their
money. Everybody looks out for everybody else, too, other people's
kids. (Parent, Interview)
This appeared to derive from the historical context of involvement in
the school, the ongoing sense of community
and ownership, but also was maintained by the size of the school and
actions of staff:
Because it's a small school - you can really have a say - make a
contribution. The guy we've got there
promotes that type of thing. (Parent, interview)
This was also reflected in a further variety of contexts, the School
Council, P&C, parent involvement in the
classroom, all of which contributed to relationships, ownership,
contact and awareness:
...you get to see how the school runs, you get involved in policy
sort of issues, discipline codes, this sort
of thing. So, you really get an idea of how the school runs...
(Parent, Interview)
The school, then, has an open-door policy, involving a process of
negotiation with parents, and reflecting David's
view that:
...the parents know that they're welcome -- that it is your school'
and they are your kids, you've got just
as much right to have a say in what happens'. You know, you don't
have a right to tell me what
happens, but you have a right to have a say'. In the final
analysis, it's my decision as to what actually
happens. But most of them take that fairly well.
As David notes, collaboration is encouraged, but this does not mean
that it is synonymous with consensus', rather
the approach was one of partnership'.
It's Got to be a Partnership to Work
Parents would often drop in' during the day, and obviously felt
comfortable' in the situation. The view was that
a partnership' between parent and school existed:
It's good. I mean, if you're having problems with the kids - or the
kids are having problems - I have
always felt perfectly comfortable with coming in. The teachers will
help you. It's a two-way
street...working with the parent. .... And the parents coming in
and actually helping with the kids. So,
if those [teacher and parent] combine and it's sort of like a run-on
from home to school - and they've got
a good working partnership. I mean, they won't always have a good'
partnership - they will disagree
and that - but, if they feel comfortable to disagree and that - and
work it out like that. I think that's the
most effective way. Not only that, but parents are very interested
in education and the educational
processes. I think it's got to be a partnership to work. (Parent)
This also extends to the situation of parent involvement in teaching:
As much as having my children at school I probably even get more
pleasure out of helping out there; ....
when I help kids like Duane that is probably a really great thing
and that's when I grow. When I see a
child like Duane or one of the others suddenly take off I really
think I had a bit to do with it. (Parent
Tutor)
The pupils appreciated this school/community linkage, and the extended
family' situation which existed both outside
and inside the school, as Mark indicated these were very important:
The community, how it is involved in the school. We just have days
when the community comes in and
walks through - they always know something about Rana School. ....
It helps a lot with the students as
well. The parents know the teachers, and they work in the school
with reading and things like that.
However, there was also that extent to which they were emphatic that it
was their' school and, while help was
appreciated, parents needed to acknowledge that ownership was the
responsibility and perhaps right of the current
pupils:
I: So, you think there is a need for people to listen to the kids
more?
Colin: Yes! Not parents being able to rule the school!
The pupils also contrasted the responsibility teachers gave them at
school with joint school-community events where
parents needed to do the same, as Kat remarked "Like, some parents are
pains - you know the fair we had - well, they
wouldn't let us do anything".
Creative Teaching': a crucial influence
Across the study, it was the leadership and teaching which was held to
be a crucial component not only in creating'
but also maintaining the school as a learning community'. In this
context, staff, parents and pupils all noted the
contrast with 1995 and a relief Principal:
To start off with, the parents were perfectly willing to be
friendly, welcoming, helpful. But it was made
quite clear to them from the start that they weren't welcome at the
school. In fact, the further away they
stayed the better. .... The kids were basically told right from
the start that they...knew nothing. ....
The kids weren't academically brilliant, but they loved going to
school. .... But, they were turned off.
There was no homework done, they had totally no interest in school.
They weren't interested in anything -
they were becoming disruptive. .... It took all their
self-confidence away. (Parent)
Given this situation, some parents seriously considered withdrawing
their children from the school. For all
participants, this provided a point of contrast with the current
context, and a basis for their elaboration of the central
contribution of teaching to children learning. It was also used to
illustrate the importance of school-community
relationships, particularly in situations where the community has a
sense of ownership and involvement in the school.
Similarly, the pupils often used this 1995 situation to contrast their
perceptions of effective' teachers with those held
in less regard. Here, pupils noted that "good teachers spend more time
with you" (Bruce), "they help you, they tell
you how to do things, you seem to work together better" (Petra), or
just a general perception across both content and
relationships that "They understand everything - they understand stuff"
(Kylie). Pupils also noted the emotional/self-security support such
teachers provided, an attribute David himself emphasised:
That's the beauty of the school, too, the fact that they do feel
happy that they can divulge their deep,
intimate, dark, life secrets. And they're quite happy to share them
with you, without somebody ridiculing
them - saying that's stupid'. The thing is that they do support
each other - as often as possible.
(Interview, David)
Overall, pupil perceptions were markedly similar to those documented in
the literature on creative teachers' (see,
Woods, 1990, 1993, 1995). The pupils also reported their ability to
differentiate:
I'd tell them [visitors or new pupils] about how good the teachers
are. They make everyone learn. ....
You're always learning here. .... Well, a good teacher pays a lot
of attention to you - a bad teacher just
walks around. A good teacher teaches you, a bad teacher tells you
off for everything. .... And, if you
are going to speak to students who are going to be teachers, one bit
of advice I'd tell them is that we can
tell a good teacher and a bad teacher in about 5 minutes. (Mark)
As Nicole summed it up, the teacher had a considerable influence on all
aspects of the schooling experience,
especially upon learning "Because if you don't like the teacher you
won't find yourself learning very much" .
The pupils, parents, and even staff, at Rana engaged in a form of
contrastive rhetoric' (see, Woods & Jeffrey, 1996)
to delineate and expose their perceptions of the differences between
good' and bad' teachers. This, however, was
not a process of seeing the incumbent teachers as the paradigm', as
those with longer ties to the school reported that
there were others who possessed similar characteristics, and, with some
exceptions, there has been a continuity of
parents and teachers working together':
I think in one way we have been very, very lucky for the teachers
we've had at Rana School. There were
perhaps a couple who weren't so good, but on the average. (Parent)
But what it does clearly indicate is that creating' a learning
community' requires a particular approach to leadership
and teaching. Accordingly, descriptions of the ways in which the
current teachers went about their work' were
sought.
The job' is to teach kids'
The approach to teaching was clearly focussed on allowing every child
to experience success, as David noted:
Each school would have it's own history, and would have it's own
emphasis on different things. And
Rana's emphasis is on the achievement of kids who don't normally'
experience great achievement.
Everyone is given the opportunity, and everyone has to participate -
we just don't have the numbers, so
everyone is given the opportunity to do something. It gives them a
sense of achievement all the time.
The parents supported this, noting that the emphasis on working
together' and participation was more beneficial than
competition'. The multi-age grouping contributed to this:
Being a split [multiple grades] class situation, it allows them to
expand, and progress and grow, as they
feel comfortable, and I guess a lot of that stems back to the
ability of the teachers. .... He has come
home and said I've got Year 6 homework'. He complained a bit and I
told him he should be proud of
himself because it was a great effort. Now if he was in a
structured school he wouldn't have that
flexibility and that's where I believe that our kids are
fortunate.... (Parent, Interview)
Such comments provide a contradiction to that so often championed in
the political and media rhetoric where there
has been an increasing pressure to return to traditions' of
teacher-directed, rote learning of content. This has been
accompanied by increasing controls' on education and teaching, a
direction towards a uniformity' of approach and
content (see, Bates, 1993; Woods, 1995). As Woods & Jeffrey (1996)
argue, teaching as an art' needs, not
constraint, but flexibility, the very antithesis of the
McDonaldization' approach.
As indicated by the data from Rana, the alternative is a focus on
catering for the individual child, and involves
teacher and pupil in a collaborative learning experience (see, Sugrue,
1997). As Woods (1995:3) notes, this learning
is where "pupils have control over their own learning processes, and
ownership of the knowledge produced, which
is relevant to their concerns". If we are to move towards an
environment which enhances children learning, schools
must focus on educating children':
the job' is to teach kids not get bogged down' in management - and
not a fixed structure' - need to be
adaptable and open to change - change to make learning for staff and
kids more effective. And push the
Department line' - that's what we've got to say - [laugh] - the
systemic' - we realise we're a political
body, we have to do what we're told - in some aspects, you just
can't get away from it, but there are
other parts that you work within. Translating what the system wants
us to do, but putting it in to the kids
and community needs. You're looking at utilising those things, but
around the kid's needs. But, there
are things that kids need to be taught that they don't want to
learn. It's their development - and sometimes
their development has to be structured - it can't be free rein all
the time. It's a combination of a number
of factors. (David, Interview)
This approach is marked by a flexibility of pedagogy within a context
where it is learning together'. Over a period
of time, the teachers could be observed working with individual pupils,
groups, or the class on the floor, sitting at
the pupil desks, learning together on the computer, and in front of the
class, throughout delivering content, skills,
and facilitating individualised learning processes. The context was
dynamic, where the classroom could be best
described as both teacher-centred' and child-centred' (Woods &
Jeffrey, 1996; Sugrue, 1997). Children moved
around the room, helping others, seeking information, discussing
issues, debating with the teachers, often with a level
of working noise. In the classroom there was very much an ethos of
working with' pupils in a collaborative
learning style. The pedagogy was constantly varied and flexible,
reflecting teacher philosophy, morals, values and
beliefs, influenced by children's needs and the requirements of
curriculum, a focus on children learning, rather than
merely encountering content. Underpinning this was constant
reflection, a willingness to take risks', to experiment,
where the teacher is, even if not formally, undertaking
reflection-in-action (Sch"n, 1983) where "You have to develop
them [ideas/strategies, etcetera] - and you have to keep developing
them. Trying them out, chucking them out - trying
something different" (Bev).
The overall approach was directed towards an emancipatory praxis, one
where staff sought forms of critical, self-reflective and collaborative
work to create conditions where themselves, pupils, and parents, worked
towards a
greater sense of control and ownership of knowledge and practice (see,
Grundy, 1993). This was evident throughout
the research where staff noted the need to be adaptable', to be
flexible', to focus on the children learning, to work
with all members of the school community, but within the reality where:
...you can't do everything to please everyone. Somewhere along the
line you have to make a decision -
the people I should be pleasing, should be looking after the most,
are the kids' - the focus is on what they
should be doing, not a minority or a particular group want to do.
And that's a learning curve. You can't
solve all the ills of the world. And I think it's a philosophy I
try to give to the kids - the fact that there's
things we just cannot solve, no matter how good we think are - you
just cannot solve every problem, no
matter how hard you try. (David, Interview)
The job, then, for such teachers is one of controlling change, where
the teacher's professionalism and expertise is
used to filter and manage change, and their own continuing professional
development (see, Woods & Jeffrey, 1996).
David willingly acknowledged that his teaching practice was developing
and changing, that he could acknowledge
past mistakes, that others would occur in the future, and his
engagement in a constant process of at times adopting,
others adapting, yet others resisting, the current directions and
trends within education. This also involved
determining priorities reflecting his overall approach, values and
beliefs for education. In particular, this involved
the issue of time:
I try and find more time for the kids - don't know how you do - if I
could have someone as an offsider all
the time - team teaching in the class, that would be the ideal.
Where you've got two people working with
the kids at once. Because there's such a variety, and such a
variance of abilities, different ages, and
interests - those sorts of things - that makes the class dynamic,
and interesting, but it makes it a hell've
a challenge because you just cannot physically cater as an
individual for every single kid in the class.
You do your best. (David, Interview)
This time also included planning and preparation, often impinged upon
by the proliferation of external meetings and
requirements which characterise teachers' working lives. In short,
time both structures teachers' work and, in turn,
is structured by it (see, Hargreaves, 1994). These pressures were
clearly evident at Rana. With the demands of
Department, those of school and community meetings, the proliferation
of bureaucratic record-keeping, the
constantly changing educational agenda, and their own lives outside
school, the issue of time becomes an ongoing
dilemma for teachers. To manage this at Rana both teachers and pupils
sought to adopt a flexible approach, people-oriented, and
multidimensional, where they made the time to undertake tasks, in an
environment where they had
ownership and control of it (see, Woods & Jeffrey, 1996). But, as
David noted above, time for teaching, so central
to children learning and self and professional development, is under
threat with the potentiality of being marginalised
by many of the reforms current within education. The children strongly
advocated the approach to teaching adopted,
and attributed it to a number of factors:
We learn a lot more faster because of the size. Because the teacher
has more time. .... And we've got
great teachers who help a lot.
Humanism and Individualism:
Two basic premises underpinned the relationships with and approach to
children in the school. As one parent from
Rana noted, children felt comfortable approaching staff, and saw them
as part of the family', this was due to the
staff:
Attitude. I think most parents - they don't see the need for their
child to be the top' but they do want their
child to feel comfortable and intelligent - and they want their
child to be working to the best of their
ability. Some teachers haven't got that attitude - they are there
to teach at' the kids - they are not there
to work with the kids. .... [the good ones' have] got a lot of
enjoyment, a lot of thought, into what they
do for the kids - the kids are actually learning because they are
enjoying it and they're interested in what
they're learning. And nobody is left out. They've got a little bit
more time, a little bit more thought,
about ways in which to approach that child to get them to want to
learn. .....Instead of seeing the
classroom as 20 or 30 kids that you've got to teach this thing, I
think the attitude is there's such and such
over there, and they're not really good at this, but they're really
good at that'. They see it more as an
individual thing. It's 20 individuals, rather than 20 kids' or a
class'.
This is not to suggest that an idyllic setting existed, there were
occasions when disciplinary actions were required,
where parents were upset' with situations, staff were under stress,
and where either individual or groups of children
were reminded' of their obligations. However, the children reported
that they expected' to be told off for some
of their behaviour, but saw this as entirely legitimate under the
circumstances, and in no way as a threat to the
relationships. The context, even when David resorted to his
"Principal's voice", was one of classroom or individual
management. A situation of negotiation maintaining individual and
mutual respect and self-image. As such, this
provided a firm basis for children learning. This approach is
supported, too, in the literature on creative teachers'
(Woods, 1995; Woods & Jeffrey, 1996) and accounts of enhanced
professionalism (Woods, et al, 1997).
Certainly, the teacher/student relationships at Rana were very close'.
Partly, this can be attributed to the size factor,
as both teachers have said in a small school you're never off duty'.
However, it seems to have more to do with an
attitude of involvement, as Mark commented: "It's them [teachers]
being with the children all the time. I think it's
great". At both Recess and Lunch, the teachers are out in the
playground, often joining in games and participating
in activities. Throughout, parents and pupils placed particular
emphasis upon these close, personal, relationships
as one of the defining characteristics of Rana Primary. As such, these
relationships were strongly reflected in
comments from the teachers about the enjoyment' they derived from
their teaching (see, Woods, et al, 1997). The
relationships with the children, and the benefits this held for the
teacher, were also a particular aspect noted by Sally
Dean:
The one thing, at every other school I've been at - you don't play
with the kids - you keep your distance -
they're over there, you're over here sort of thing. Whereas, out
there, at lunch if someone said lets play
handball' [we do], you could also get pleasure from being with them
as children, as well as just teaching
them. That was really good.
Creating Responsibility and Self-Confidence
Another significant issue involved the sense of responsibility' the
pupils were given by the teachers, both in terms
of the content and issues of relationships:
[Principal] has said heaps of things we should do - and we've been
doing wrong - we've fixed all of these
things - and it's become more fairer now. He says this is what we
should do' and this is what we
shouldn't do' - every couple of days we write down what we're going
to do and what we're going to
change of each other. It's like - well, when we write down those
things it's like a commitment.
I: And that's a good idea?
Yeah - it's a pretty good idea. It gives you some responsibility.
(Petra)
At Rana school some unique characteristics exerted considerable
influence upon the student perceptions of their
learning. One important factor was the multi-aged context allowing for
teaching to stages rather than the age-grading
approach. This has important consequences for both relationships and
for teaching/learning, and all pupils saw this
as beneficial:
Instead of working on your own, if you've got a problem you've got
another person next to you to ask to
help you out with it. It's just like one big class instead of just
1,2,3... It's better to be all together.
(Colin)
However, and thus applicable to all contexts, is the notion of working
together', including student-as-teacher' and
teacher-as-student'. In other words, there was an interactive
partnership of learning characterising the context,
where both teacher and student took responsibility for their own
learning. This peer support approach provided a
teaching context where pupils had access across levels of ability, they
were encouraged to work for their self' and
their learning style', at their ability, but while challenging,
encouraging and supporting them to extend themselves.
Equally, teachers actively engaged in their own learning with and from
the children as well. This was particularly
evident in terms of computers which were one of the most commonly
mentioned aspects of recent developments at
the school:
Well, we got the computers. I think that's good for us because we
can send E-mail and all that. Hear
more about people on the other side of the world. (Kat)
David had set developing greater awareness, also in a critical sense,
of computer technology as one of his central
objectives for 1996. This entailed the children learning computer
skills, encouraged to discover' for themselves and
then act as teachers' for both peers and staff, becoming familiar with
the technology, its strengths and limitations
as a tool for learning. During their classwork, it was noticeable that
many pupils would use' the computer as a
resource, including the Internet and various CD-ROM resources, as well
as using the library. Furthermore, the
school developed its own Home Page on the internet, and an ongoing
process is seeing each pupil develop their own
page, along with publishing their stories and other material. The
pupils also correspond with other schools,
nationally and internationally, using the E-mail. This has contributed
not only to their awareness of the technology,
but to a widening' of their horizons and communicative skills.
Throughout all aspects of teaching and learning, each child was seen as
an individual, and an emphasis put on a
caring and sharing relationship. The children were allowed to make
mistakes', and encouraged to take responsibility
for their own learning and development. Both teachers were constantly
alert for all the nuances of the experiences
of the children, and were not averse to providing emotional support.
The emphasis at Rana was upon an
individualised approach to learning', varied and interactive,
contributing to creative learning' where "pupils have
control over their own learning processes, and ownership of the
knowledge produced, which is relevant to their
concerns" (Woods, 1995:3).
This approach also appeared to contribute to a view that learning' was
something that would continue throughout
their lives, as Mark commented he would always "be learning, no end".
Perhaps, then, an outcome of such
relationships and teaching approaches is the development of that
elusive notion of lifelong learning'. Certainly, it
does indicate that where experiences and perceptions are positive,
where interest is engaged, and the self is
developed, an allegiance to learning is encouraged, but this requires a
multifaceted set of contents and relationships,
particularly in the nature of the teaching approach (see, Woods, 1995;
Woods & Jeffrey, 1996). In other words,
this is not something which can be assumed to be created but rather is
something which requires careful development
and nurturing. That they were successful in this was shown by Sally
Dean's comments:
The kids had a lot more personality, and were a lot more outspoken
than in other schools that I've been
in. That's probably because there is only a few of them - so, they
have the opportunity to speak out more
- where, if there are 30 in the class, then the children are
suppressed more. But, here, because they're
more outspoken, and also I think they feel more comfortable in their
setting, they're prepared to let you
know those things. I reckon they're encouraged, too. Like, with
David and them - he trains them to just
be themselves, and not just do this', do that'. To stand up for
themselves.
Discussion
The case present in this paper is not to convey some notion of an
idyllic' setting, and certainly there is an ongoing
reflection and development at the school. There have been, and
undoubtedly will continue to be, situations where
some things are not working', where changes of pupils, parents, staff,
as well as those deriving from social
conditions and political reforms' of education exert influence. The
point that is being made, however, is that the
participants still view this school in general as one that works', one
that creates an environment in which learning
is valued and engaged in by all. This, then, provides a basis upon
which further reflection-in-action can seek to
continue with the processes of becoming' a learning community. This
is a process and not a product, it is ongoing
and developmental, an outcome of history, relationships, teaching and
leadership processes and styles, and not
something that can be implanted' or created without consideration of
every aspect. What also emphatically emerges
is that underpinning the learning community' is the creative
teacher'. That without the influence of the way these
teachers undertook their tasks, their approach to children learning and
relationships, focus on processes rather than
content', and the creation of contexts where the development of the
self is central, Rana would not be the school
it is.
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