COCKB97.128

 

THE RURAL SCHOOL AS A LEARNING COMMUNITY'

 

Sifting the Rhetoric to Locate the Reality

Barry Cocklin

 

 

School of Education

Charles Sturt University

P.O. Box 588

WAGGA WAGGA

AUSTRALIA 2678

 

Paper Presented at the Australian Association for Research in Education

Conference Brisbane, 30 November - 4 December, 1997

 

 

 

The Rural School as a Learning Community': Sifting the Rhetoric to Locate the Reality

 

 

 

Barry Cocklin

 

 

 

 

Introduction

 

In 1995, the New South Wales Department of School Education (DSE)

produced a discussion paper which sought to "promote the building of learning

communities throughout all sectors of the Department as a basis for enhancing

professional development and student learning outcomes" (NSW, DSE,

1995: Forward). An examination of the

sources upon which this DSE document was based shows a strong emphasis

upon processes and rhetoric derived from

the business sector and the work on learning organisations in USA

business contexts (see, Senge, 1990). The DSE

approach has been derived rather than presenting an analysis and

interpretation seeking to develop and critique in

terms of the school context. Once again, then, this is a change

imposed from without, and one where the business

rhetoric has been implanted' without further consideration, and,

despite the use of the term learning community',

the document presents an unchallenged case for learning

organisations'. It is in this sense, then, that we have sought

to argue (see, Cocklin, et al, 1996a,b; Coombe, et al, 1996) for the

adoption of the term Learning Community (see,

Wagner, 1993) for educational contexts, but within a framework which

allows for the interchange of ideas between

both perspectives, community' and organisation'. Accordingly, rather

than merely imposing the organisational

learning' model upon education, as it might be argued the DSE has

sought to do, we need to reinterpret it in view

of the educational contexts and goals. At the same time, this is not

to reject the point that there is a contra opinion,

or that there are those who use organisation' within both contexts

(see, Isaacson & Bamburg, 1992; Retallick,

1996).

 

What we need, therefore, is to develop approaches which build upon the

skills of teachers, which recognise their

professional expertise (see, Sellars, 1996), and which provide

 

...new guidelines and principles for knowing how to work in, lead

and renew our schools in our rapidly

changing world; and ones that aren't just borrowed uncritically

from the profit-centred world of business.

(Hargreaves, 1995:4)

 

The process, then, is one of reflection-in-action whereby concepts

derived from the literature on learning

organisations' and learning communities' are applied within case study

sites invoking strategies which

 

...allow and encourage schools to engage in the kind of democratic

dialogue that fosters the development

of a polity, a community with shared purpose. (Darling-Hammond,

1993:760)

 

The present paper focuses on one particular school, Rana Primary, and

examines the basis for considering this

context as indicating aspects of the learning community' notion as it

is enacted in action.

 

Context and the Research

 

Rana Primary School was opened in 1935, and has been a two-teacher

school for most of its history. During the

research in 1996, David Kennedy, the Principal, taught Upper Division

(Years 3-6), and Bev Osborne taught Lower

Division (Kindergarten-Year 2), while there was also a part-time

release teacher/librarian, school secretary and

school handy-person. For Term 2, a 4th Year BEd(Primary) teacher

student, Sally Dean, took Upper Division for

an 8-week extended Practicum. This involves the student as full-time

 

 

teacher, releasing the classroom teacher for

a period of professional development. There were 38 pupils at the

start of the research, 18 (9 girls, 9 boys) in Upper

Division, 20 (9 girls, 11 boys) in Lower Division. Although the

majority of pupils come from the Rana district,

others travelled past their local school to attend Rana Primary.

 

There are those occasions when, as a visitor, you enter a school and

there is a certain, very subjective, feeling that

things are working. The pupils and teachers appear comfortable with

their situation, there is a sense of enjoyment,

and a feeling that learning is taking place. Furthermore, there is a

strong sense of community' and interaction, and

often support derives from the wider community context. Such were my

impressions when I first came to Rana

Primary School in September 1995. During the remainder of the year, I

continued to spend time at the school, as

a visitor, working with teachers and pupils, teaching some lessons, and

participating in end-of-year school-community functions such as the

fete and Concert.

 

The initial intentions of the research arose from these first contacts

with the school with a view towards seeking to

determine what worked and why'. The research question, therefore,

was: what is it that makes the school what

it is, and how can this understanding be better used and translated

into more effective learning for the school and its

community? In adopting this, we sought to start with a description of

the culture of the school, then, through an

action orientation use these findings to examine and reflect upon the

situation, effecting strategies and processes of

change and development as a result (Cocklin & Davis, 1996). The

conduct of the research was one of involved

participation', where at various times I took the roles of teacher',

friend', critical advocate', in a context where

I sought to have a shared experience of the school in action. The

research involved interviews of staff, pupils, and

some of the parents, as well as extensive observations, by myself,

while David used oral history' interviews to focus

upon:

 

What has happened in the past that has bonded the community and the

school so closely together and how

does this affiliation work to make the school the learning

community' it seems to be.

 

The research focussed on participant realities as they acted to develop

the experiences of schooling (see, Smyth,

1995). The research was predicated on the basis that learning is an

unpredictable task', the investigation of which

requires time spent in the context, observing, talking, and reflecting,

between researcher-as-participant and those

directly involved in the situation (Woods and Jeffrey, 1996).

 

Data collection and analysis was within a broadly based interactionist

paradigm to derive categories which were then

related to an examination of the overall notions of creative

teachers' (Woods, 1995; Woods and Jeffrey, 1996) and

learning communities' (for example, Johnson, 1995). In so doing, the

study sought to celebrate' the perception

within the school that children learning' should be the focus of

education. This context and perception appeared

to represent the antithesis of the technocratic emphasis which has

teachers' work in danger of becoming a less

reflective, more bureaucratic, deprofessionalised, de-skilled activity

(see Apple, 1986), through the increased

 

 

emphasis upon a business-oriented managerialism and political control

of both content and process (see, Ball, 1994;

Pollard, et al, 1994).

 

Rana Primary

 

As David was already aware, and as my initial involvement in the school

clearly indicated, there were certain crucial

elements derived from the context and the history of the local district

which had a marked influence upon both the

school and its relationships, both interpersonal and with the

community.

 

The Context

 

Although only a few kilometres outside a major rural centre, the school

and community are very much isolated and

independent of their larger neighbour, reflecting both history and

geography. Settled in the 1930's, forty-one

families were balloted for undeveloped rural blocks on the banks of a

large river subject to occasional flooding which

has precluded denser settlement and preserved the rural nature. With

the Great Depression in full swing', some

were among the unemployed, and all were pioneers with little more than

basic tools and a willingness to turn their

block into a home to sustain them. Separated from the town by poor

roads and a lack of transport, they came to rely

on each other, and from early accounts rapidly developed a strong sense

of community. Most occupied their land

and lived in tents or shacks for the first few years while they built a

permanent home, they walked to town for food,

drew water from the river, and worked together to get their land

prepared. As the Depression eased, some of the

men obtained work in town, leaving further development of the farm to

their family, and to evening work where all

the community turned out to help'. This independence from the larger

centre, and sense of sharing' and working

together generally remain today, at least in part due to the

descendants from the original settlers.

 

This history has contributed to a pattern of constructive community

involvement and interaction within the school.

In turn, this has promoted feelings of ownership by all stakeholders,

represented in an allegiance to the school and

the learning that occurs within. It was these aspects which

demonstrated the ways in which context, teaching and

learning, interactions, and development of the self integrated into

providing an environment wherein learning was

relished by all involved.

 

Rana School: a learning Community'

 

The people at Rana often used the term Learning Community' to describe

the school. However, this term is subject

to differing, and at times contested, interpretations, as well as one

often applied as a generic descriptor to schools.

Here, then, I have used the term community' in recognition that the

discourse is not neutral and that we need to

consider the point that the term learning organisation' may signify an

acceptance' of a dominant position for the

managerialism and economic rationalism inherent in the term deriving

from its business origins, and certainly within

the current political agenda.

 

The notion of community' as applied by those at Rana, was a sense of

working together', working with', wherein

 

 

difference' and even contestation' are valued, and which placed

particular emphasis upon the everyday lived reality

of the school context. This notion of community', in terms of

relationships and children learning, was most akin

to going with the flow' which "puts the emphasis on process, and

involves intuition, spontaneity, tacit knowledge',

enthusiasm and fun" (Woods and Jeffrey, 1996:34).

 

The idea of learning community' is not new and, indeed, many teachers

will recognise elements and hold that this

is reflected, in some ways, in their contexts. However as the paper

indicates there are essential differences between

the parts' and the whole'. The basic premise of learning community'

is one of participation by all in the process:

 

Our traditional concept that teachers teach, students learn, and

administrators manage is completely

altered. In a community of learners, everyone is about the business

of learning, questioning,

investigating, and seeking solutions. The basis for human

interaction is no longer a hierarchy of who

knows more than someone else, but rather the need for everyone to

contribute to the process of asking

questions and investigating solutions. (Kleine-Kracht, 1993:392)

 

It is also suggested that this notion of community' cannot be

implemented through a top-down' approach, but

requires a bottom-up' process of development, and one involving all

stakeholders. For this reason, it was decided

to focus on the particular site through seeking to ascertain the views

of all participants of their culture and its

workings'.

 

Our School': Ownership' - From Past to Present

 

The point that the history of both school and district influenced the

current context, as David noted, should serve to

remind us that:

 

The school has reaped the rewards' from the historical development

of the community and will continue

to do so as long as it remembers its origins and feeds' the needs

of the community to be involved..

 

Rather, then, than seeking the continuous improvement' derived from

the corporate sphere (see, Senge, 1990) which

underpins much of the change rhetoric' at present, within educational

contexts there are elements of the school we

may wish, upon critical reflection, to preserve (Hargreaves, 1995).

 

From the oral history interviews, certain characteristics of the

school, and school-community relationships, emerged.

One of the dominant themes was that of pride', as one of the

past-pupils (from 1938) recounted:

 

It went from one generation to the other and that went down through

the school. But you took a pride in

your school. Because we went to the Rana School and I suppose

because we were all so close we took

pride in the school so much so that even when we grew up, the ones

that didn't shift away from Rana you

still continued that same effort that your parents had.

 

This ongoing contact with the school reflects both an allegiance and

ownership which continues to be a particular

feature of the context. At various school functions, sporting

 

 

carnivals, fete, and concerts, members of the local

community, and past pupils, were regularly in attendance. Furthermore,

during the research a number of past pupils

dropped in when they had a day off from their secondary school. Not

only did they come to the school, but some

sat in on the classes, took part in the lessons, and offered assistance

to the teacher and pupils. This ownership and

relationship with the school continues, as one parent commented about

her older children who had left the Rana

district:

 

Even with the bigger girls now, they pretty much think of Rana as

their' school. I've got to tell them

about it because they want to know what's going on - anything that's

got to do with Rana they just help.

 

Across-generational ties continue, with a parent of two current

children noting that not only were she and her mother

past pupils, but it was her grandmother who "got the school going".

There remains a continuity of involvement with

the school, certainly amongst a core who have returned as parents in

the P&C and support for the school, but also

in general from among the local community who, as one noted, "look on

the school like it's our school".

 

From the early days, there has been a sense of allegiance to and

ownership of the school, which continues to the

present, represented in an awareness of the school amongst the Rana

community and reflected in the comment by

all that what we do is for the kids'. The culture' of the school,

and its historical context, is a factor in developing

this sense of community' over time and through particular

relationships and strategies. This is not to argue that a

learning community' cannot be developed within another school, rather

that the starting point' must be the historical

context and it may require processes of reculturation (see, Hargreaves,

1995). We need to recognise, also, that

schools are not just marked by their commonalities, but also by their

differences. That an environment which

facilitates children learning may be in marked contrast to the

uniformity of product, architecture, technology, and

work practices, underpinning the McDonaldization' (see, Ritzer, 1993;

Craft, 1996) of society, aspects of the

learning organisations' model (see, Cocklin, 1997), and some

suppositions of the political educational reform

agenda.

 

Our Great School'

 

With the present dominance by political and economic imperatives in the

educational debate and rhetoric (see, Bates,

1993; Marginson, 1993), direct input from children, or their families,

is infrequently valued or sought. Children

are not mere receivers of information, they are engaged with teachers

and community in a shared process as

constructors of meaning, thus we should pay greater attention to their

perceptions of schooling. In particular, those

which contribute to their preparation for a future where knowledge and

change are best served by autonomous,

critical and reflective learners.

 

Pride in the history and the school

Some of the pupils reported the history of the school as an important

factor which they would tell a new person'

about, as Mark noted "First, I'd probably give you its history. Well,

Rana has a very good history about how it came

 

 

to be".

 

There was also a strong sense of pride' in the buildings, particularly

the older block which now forms the

classrooms, which some felt had been spoilt' by a new library in front

closer to the main road:

 

I'd move the library out the back of the school because it, like,

blocks off the actual school. It's, like,

jammed out and the rest of the school looks dull. I'd like the

library around the back so you can see the

actual school. (Petra)

 

Neither Mark nor Petra have connections through the original

families', yet evidently saw this history as an

important aspect. For others it was family connections, even where the

family had moved away from the district

for a time:

 

My Pop used to go to this school and he's always said it was good

and that. My Pop suggested we should

go and have a look. (Ben)

 

Clearly evident among comments made by all the pupils was a strong

sense of pride in their school, with all

expressing that this was the best' school, reflected in the point that

there were no major' changes suggested, all

wanting to maintain the current situation. The sense of ownership also

came through strongly, expressed in terms

of our' school and their loyalty to it, for instance when asked to

sell' his school to me, Mark said "To make you

come here I'd tell you how great we are".

 

Summarising the pupil attitudes towards school were comments by Bev

Osborne that at Rana you have to kick the

kids, and some of their parents, out at the end of the day'.

Throughout the research, pupils stayed after school, in

the classroom playing on the computers, talking with each other, or

with the teachers, or playing around the grounds.

Similarly, parents stayed talking with various children, each other or

with the teachers. As Bev noted, in all her

prior experiences, pupils were always in a rush to leave, and few if

any parents entered the school grounds other than

on formal visits. Similarly, David noted that "even when you give them

an early mark', they hang around in the

classroom until the bell goes - they don't want to leave". Parents

also reported this enthusiasm for school:

 

The best thing my children have learnt is the fact that they like

school and it's not a common thing for

children to like school. .... It's rare that we have had to drag

them out of bed. Most morning's Mark's

up and dressed by 7.15, ready to go. He would walk out the door

there and then.

 

Togetherness' - a sense of family and community:

One important feature of the school, was the togetherness' produced

within the small school environment, including

benefits such as space provided by the large area and small number of

pupils, relationships in terms of making

friends, and the teaching/learning situation, as Nicole comments:

 

There's not much people - so there's not much bullying. We all get

to learn a lot more because there's

not many of us and the teacher has more time to teach us. Most of

us get along very well. And so you

 

 

could have more chance of getting friends in other classes. You

just get to know other people in higher

grades who know more.

 

While a number of the pupils noted a lack' of bullying, fights did

occur at Rana, it was not an idyllic' setting, but

rather the pupils focussed more on the positive aspects of their

interpersonal relationships.

 

The effects of size, and their contribution to both relationships and

learning featured prominently in parent comments

as well:

 

I took them up to [nearby school] for a week and the kids nearly

died. They didn't like it. It was too big,

too much of a shock for them. They were used to having, not only

me, but other parents. They were

really used to having that closeness' with everybody else. Then I

brought them down here and that was

the end of it.

 

It was evident throughout the study that the small size contributed to

the formation of a particular set of relationships,

between pupils, with teachers, and with the wider community. On the

other hand, I would be loathe to suggest that

size is the determining factor, rather that pupil:teacher ratio needs

to be given consideration in larger schools, as

well as relationships and community involvement. Again, then, these

are things which all must work towards, a

process of negotiation and personal and professional development, which

can be neither implanted' nor created'

over a short period of time. In the present political agenda where

efficiency' is often equated with big is better',

and class size is determined purely in economic rationalist terms,

perhaps we need to give greater effort to

publicising the point that teachers, pupils, and parents realize the

considerable advantages in the small school'

environment (Cocklin, 1997).

 

The interpersonal relationships, both in and out of the classroom, were

supportive and seen by pupils as a central

benefit from the Rana context:

 

It's got good kids. Some [bad] behaviour - well, some of them - but

there's no bullies. Because everyone

cooperates. Yeah, like a family thing. Some fight but not as much.

We sort it out.

I: Who sorts it out' - teachers or pupils?

Both. (Taylor)

 

This concept of family' was noted as a defining characteristic of

Rana, by parents, pupils, and teachers. During

the study, pupils indicated these are my friends', reporting any

changes in these groups, while many of the fights'

were akin to a form of sibling rivalry'. As David suggested at the

start of Term 3, some discipline issues had arisen

over what he termed a "rivalry for position as the top dog' in the

school". On the other hand, Taylor emphasised

the strong group loyalty noting that they "stuck up for each other",

and "against everyone - in the school and out of

the school". An incident at an inter-schools athletics carnival

exemplified this support. As one of the senior girls

competed in the 800 metres, a parent organised community members into a

cheer squad', then, when by the final

lap she could only walk, a number of her peers went out and accompanied

her to the finish. This involvement and

 

 

support, then, is not only amongst the pupils, but the community as a

whole supporting all Rana children. As David

commented on a similar context at a swimming carnival "they were all

[parents] walking up and down the side going

come on, you can do it, you can get there'. Wasn't necessarily their

kid, just a Rana kid. That happens all the time

- that's just not then - they do, they support each other - no matter

what it is". It was also clearly evident in the

general relationships at school where, for instance, if one is hurt or

upset others rally around and offer help.

 

Overall, the general point was made by parents that:

 

[Rana] seems to bring out that protective attitude. It's taught

them a lot about relationships. Because

they've got all the kids, they've got the teachers, then they've got

the parents, then the community -

everybody is so involved, and there's so many different

personalities involved - it gives them a good

grounding. It is like a family.

 

This sense of supportive community', contributed to by the historical

context, was not a given'. Rather, it required

conscious effort and leadership, initially when David was appointed as

Principal:

 

Second objective, I suppose, was to build up the community support

again, because it had suffered a little

because of the previous Principal. He had come from Regional Office

and hadn't been in a school for

about 8 years - and that was reflected in the comments by the

parents - the fact that he locked' himself

in the office and wouldn't talk to anybody. Another objective was

to get out and make the school a

community school again, and reinforce some of the things that people

had been saying that they wanted

done.

 

As this suggests, and ongoing data supported, David has continued to

build upon the notion of learning community'

at Rana, it is not a static entity, but one that requires work and

action. The results of this has seen a continuation

of parent involvement in a variety of in-school and out-of-school

activities. It was also very evident that parents felt

comfortable about coming to the school, even just for a look during the

day, and that the commonly held view was:

 

To everybody it is their school. They'll donate their time, they'll

donate their energy, they'll donate their

money. Everybody looks out for everybody else, too, other people's

kids. (Parent, Interview)

 

This appeared to derive from the historical context of involvement in

the school, the ongoing sense of community

and ownership, but also was maintained by the size of the school and

actions of staff:

 

Because it's a small school - you can really have a say - make a

contribution. The guy we've got there

promotes that type of thing. (Parent, interview)

 

This was also reflected in a further variety of contexts, the School

Council, P&C, parent involvement in the

classroom, all of which contributed to relationships, ownership,

contact and awareness:

 

 

 

...you get to see how the school runs, you get involved in policy

sort of issues, discipline codes, this sort

of thing. So, you really get an idea of how the school runs...

(Parent, Interview)

 

The school, then, has an open-door policy, involving a process of

negotiation with parents, and reflecting David's

view that:

 

...the parents know that they're welcome -- that it is your school'

and they are your kids, you've got just

as much right to have a say in what happens'. You know, you don't

have a right to tell me what

happens, but you have a right to have a say'. In the final

analysis, it's my decision as to what actually

happens. But most of them take that fairly well.

 

As David notes, collaboration is encouraged, but this does not mean

that it is synonymous with consensus', rather

the approach was one of partnership'.

 

It's Got to be a Partnership to Work

Parents would often drop in' during the day, and obviously felt

comfortable' in the situation. The view was that

a partnership' between parent and school existed:

 

It's good. I mean, if you're having problems with the kids - or the

kids are having problems - I have

always felt perfectly comfortable with coming in. The teachers will

help you. It's a two-way

street...working with the parent. .... And the parents coming in

and actually helping with the kids. So,

if those [teacher and parent] combine and it's sort of like a run-on

from home to school - and they've got

a good working partnership. I mean, they won't always have a good'

partnership - they will disagree

and that - but, if they feel comfortable to disagree and that - and

work it out like that. I think that's the

most effective way. Not only that, but parents are very interested

in education and the educational

processes. I think it's got to be a partnership to work. (Parent)

 

This also extends to the situation of parent involvement in teaching:

 

As much as having my children at school I probably even get more

pleasure out of helping out there; ....

when I help kids like Duane that is probably a really great thing

and that's when I grow. When I see a

child like Duane or one of the others suddenly take off I really

think I had a bit to do with it. (Parent

Tutor)

 

The pupils appreciated this school/community linkage, and the extended

family' situation which existed both outside

and inside the school, as Mark indicated these were very important:

 

The community, how it is involved in the school. We just have days

when the community comes in and

walks through - they always know something about Rana School. ....

It helps a lot with the students as

well. The parents know the teachers, and they work in the school

with reading and things like that.

However, there was also that extent to which they were emphatic that it

was their' school and, while help was

appreciated, parents needed to acknowledge that ownership was the

 

 

responsibility and perhaps right of the current

pupils:

 

I: So, you think there is a need for people to listen to the kids

more?

Colin: Yes! Not parents being able to rule the school!

 

The pupils also contrasted the responsibility teachers gave them at

school with joint school-community events where

parents needed to do the same, as Kat remarked "Like, some parents are

pains - you know the fair we had - well, they

wouldn't let us do anything".

 

Creative Teaching': a crucial influence

 

Across the study, it was the leadership and teaching which was held to

be a crucial component not only in creating'

but also maintaining the school as a learning community'. In this

context, staff, parents and pupils all noted the

contrast with 1995 and a relief Principal:

 

To start off with, the parents were perfectly willing to be

friendly, welcoming, helpful. But it was made

quite clear to them from the start that they weren't welcome at the

school. In fact, the further away they

stayed the better. .... The kids were basically told right from

the start that they...knew nothing. ....

The kids weren't academically brilliant, but they loved going to

school. .... But, they were turned off.

There was no homework done, they had totally no interest in school.

They weren't interested in anything -

they were becoming disruptive. .... It took all their

self-confidence away. (Parent)

 

Given this situation, some parents seriously considered withdrawing

their children from the school. For all

participants, this provided a point of contrast with the current

context, and a basis for their elaboration of the central

contribution of teaching to children learning. It was also used to

illustrate the importance of school-community

relationships, particularly in situations where the community has a

sense of ownership and involvement in the school.

 

 

Similarly, the pupils often used this 1995 situation to contrast their

perceptions of effective' teachers with those held

in less regard. Here, pupils noted that "good teachers spend more time

with you" (Bruce), "they help you, they tell

you how to do things, you seem to work together better" (Petra), or

just a general perception across both content and

relationships that "They understand everything - they understand stuff"

(Kylie). Pupils also noted the emotional/self-security support such

teachers provided, an attribute David himself emphasised:

 

That's the beauty of the school, too, the fact that they do feel

happy that they can divulge their deep,

intimate, dark, life secrets. And they're quite happy to share them

with you, without somebody ridiculing

them - saying that's stupid'. The thing is that they do support

each other - as often as possible.

(Interview, David)

 

Overall, pupil perceptions were markedly similar to those documented in

the literature on creative teachers' (see,

Woods, 1990, 1993, 1995). The pupils also reported their ability to

differentiate:

 

 

 

I'd tell them [visitors or new pupils] about how good the teachers

are. They make everyone learn. ....

You're always learning here. .... Well, a good teacher pays a lot

of attention to you - a bad teacher just

walks around. A good teacher teaches you, a bad teacher tells you

off for everything. .... And, if you

are going to speak to students who are going to be teachers, one bit

of advice I'd tell them is that we can

tell a good teacher and a bad teacher in about 5 minutes. (Mark)

 

As Nicole summed it up, the teacher had a considerable influence on all

aspects of the schooling experience,

especially upon learning "Because if you don't like the teacher you

won't find yourself learning very much" .

 

The pupils, parents, and even staff, at Rana engaged in a form of

contrastive rhetoric' (see, Woods & Jeffrey, 1996)

to delineate and expose their perceptions of the differences between

good' and bad' teachers. This, however, was

not a process of seeing the incumbent teachers as the paradigm', as

those with longer ties to the school reported that

there were others who possessed similar characteristics, and, with some

exceptions, there has been a continuity of

parents and teachers working together':

 

I think in one way we have been very, very lucky for the teachers

we've had at Rana School. There were

perhaps a couple who weren't so good, but on the average. (Parent)

 

But what it does clearly indicate is that creating' a learning

community' requires a particular approach to leadership

and teaching. Accordingly, descriptions of the ways in which the

current teachers went about their work' were

sought.

 

The job' is to teach kids'

 

The approach to teaching was clearly focussed on allowing every child

to experience success, as David noted:

 

Each school would have it's own history, and would have it's own

emphasis on different things. And

Rana's emphasis is on the achievement of kids who don't normally'

experience great achievement.

Everyone is given the opportunity, and everyone has to participate -

we just don't have the numbers, so

everyone is given the opportunity to do something. It gives them a

sense of achievement all the time.

 

The parents supported this, noting that the emphasis on working

together' and participation was more beneficial than

competition'. The multi-age grouping contributed to this:

 

Being a split [multiple grades] class situation, it allows them to

expand, and progress and grow, as they

feel comfortable, and I guess a lot of that stems back to the

ability of the teachers. .... He has come

home and said I've got Year 6 homework'. He complained a bit and I

told him he should be proud of

himself because it was a great effort. Now if he was in a

structured school he wouldn't have that

flexibility and that's where I believe that our kids are

fortunate.... (Parent, Interview)

 

Such comments provide a contradiction to that so often championed in

 

 

the political and media rhetoric where there

has been an increasing pressure to return to traditions' of

teacher-directed, rote learning of content. This has been

accompanied by increasing controls' on education and teaching, a

direction towards a uniformity' of approach and

content (see, Bates, 1993; Woods, 1995). As Woods & Jeffrey (1996)

argue, teaching as an art' needs, not

constraint, but flexibility, the very antithesis of the

McDonaldization' approach.

 

As indicated by the data from Rana, the alternative is a focus on

catering for the individual child, and involves

teacher and pupil in a collaborative learning experience (see, Sugrue,

1997). As Woods (1995:3) notes, this learning

is where "pupils have control over their own learning processes, and

ownership of the knowledge produced, which

is relevant to their concerns". If we are to move towards an

environment which enhances children learning, schools

must focus on educating children':

 

the job' is to teach kids not get bogged down' in management - and

not a fixed structure' - need to be

adaptable and open to change - change to make learning for staff and

kids more effective. And push the

Department line' - that's what we've got to say - [laugh] - the

systemic' - we realise we're a political

body, we have to do what we're told - in some aspects, you just

can't get away from it, but there are

other parts that you work within. Translating what the system wants

us to do, but putting it in to the kids

and community needs. You're looking at utilising those things, but

around the kid's needs. But, there

are things that kids need to be taught that they don't want to

learn. It's their development - and sometimes

their development has to be structured - it can't be free rein all

the time. It's a combination of a number

of factors. (David, Interview)

 

This approach is marked by a flexibility of pedagogy within a context

where it is learning together'. Over a period

of time, the teachers could be observed working with individual pupils,

groups, or the class on the floor, sitting at

the pupil desks, learning together on the computer, and in front of the

class, throughout delivering content, skills,

and facilitating individualised learning processes. The context was

dynamic, where the classroom could be best

described as both teacher-centred' and child-centred' (Woods &

Jeffrey, 1996; Sugrue, 1997). Children moved

around the room, helping others, seeking information, discussing

issues, debating with the teachers, often with a level

of working noise. In the classroom there was very much an ethos of

working with' pupils in a collaborative

learning style. The pedagogy was constantly varied and flexible,

reflecting teacher philosophy, morals, values and

beliefs, influenced by children's needs and the requirements of

curriculum, a focus on children learning, rather than

merely encountering content. Underpinning this was constant

reflection, a willingness to take risks', to experiment,

where the teacher is, even if not formally, undertaking

reflection-in-action (Sch"n, 1983) where "You have to develop

them [ideas/strategies, etcetera] - and you have to keep developing

them. Trying them out, chucking them out - trying

something different" (Bev).

 

The overall approach was directed towards an emancipatory praxis, one

where staff sought forms of critical, self-reflective and collaborative

 

 

work to create conditions where themselves, pupils, and parents, worked

towards a

greater sense of control and ownership of knowledge and practice (see,

Grundy, 1993). This was evident throughout

the research where staff noted the need to be adaptable', to be

flexible', to focus on the children learning, to work

with all members of the school community, but within the reality where:

 

...you can't do everything to please everyone. Somewhere along the

line you have to make a decision -

the people I should be pleasing, should be looking after the most,

are the kids' - the focus is on what they

should be doing, not a minority or a particular group want to do.

And that's a learning curve. You can't

solve all the ills of the world. And I think it's a philosophy I

try to give to the kids - the fact that there's

things we just cannot solve, no matter how good we think are - you

just cannot solve every problem, no

matter how hard you try. (David, Interview)

 

The job, then, for such teachers is one of controlling change, where

the teacher's professionalism and expertise is

used to filter and manage change, and their own continuing professional

development (see, Woods & Jeffrey, 1996).

David willingly acknowledged that his teaching practice was developing

and changing, that he could acknowledge

past mistakes, that others would occur in the future, and his

engagement in a constant process of at times adopting,

others adapting, yet others resisting, the current directions and

trends within education. This also involved

determining priorities reflecting his overall approach, values and

beliefs for education. In particular, this involved

the issue of time:

 

I try and find more time for the kids - don't know how you do - if I

could have someone as an offsider all

the time - team teaching in the class, that would be the ideal.

Where you've got two people working with

the kids at once. Because there's such a variety, and such a

variance of abilities, different ages, and

interests - those sorts of things - that makes the class dynamic,

and interesting, but it makes it a hell've

a challenge because you just cannot physically cater as an

individual for every single kid in the class.

You do your best. (David, Interview)

 

This time also included planning and preparation, often impinged upon

by the proliferation of external meetings and

requirements which characterise teachers' working lives. In short,

time both structures teachers' work and, in turn,

is structured by it (see, Hargreaves, 1994). These pressures were

clearly evident at Rana. With the demands of

Department, those of school and community meetings, the proliferation

of bureaucratic record-keeping, the

constantly changing educational agenda, and their own lives outside

school, the issue of time becomes an ongoing

dilemma for teachers. To manage this at Rana both teachers and pupils

sought to adopt a flexible approach, people-oriented, and

multidimensional, where they made the time to undertake tasks, in an

environment where they had

ownership and control of it (see, Woods & Jeffrey, 1996). But, as

David noted above, time for teaching, so central

to children learning and self and professional development, is under

threat with the potentiality of being marginalised

by many of the reforms current within education. The children strongly

 

 

advocated the approach to teaching adopted,

and attributed it to a number of factors:

 

We learn a lot more faster because of the size. Because the teacher

has more time. .... And we've got

great teachers who help a lot.

 

Humanism and Individualism:

Two basic premises underpinned the relationships with and approach to

children in the school. As one parent from

Rana noted, children felt comfortable approaching staff, and saw them

as part of the family', this was due to the

staff:

 

Attitude. I think most parents - they don't see the need for their

child to be the top' but they do want their

child to feel comfortable and intelligent - and they want their

child to be working to the best of their

ability. Some teachers haven't got that attitude - they are there

to teach at' the kids - they are not there

to work with the kids. .... [the good ones' have] got a lot of

enjoyment, a lot of thought, into what they

do for the kids - the kids are actually learning because they are

enjoying it and they're interested in what

they're learning. And nobody is left out. They've got a little bit

more time, a little bit more thought,

about ways in which to approach that child to get them to want to

learn. .....Instead of seeing the

classroom as 20 or 30 kids that you've got to teach this thing, I

think the attitude is there's such and such

over there, and they're not really good at this, but they're really

good at that'. They see it more as an

individual thing. It's 20 individuals, rather than 20 kids' or a

class'.

 

This is not to suggest that an idyllic setting existed, there were

occasions when disciplinary actions were required,

where parents were upset' with situations, staff were under stress,

and where either individual or groups of children

were reminded' of their obligations. However, the children reported

that they expected' to be told off for some

of their behaviour, but saw this as entirely legitimate under the

circumstances, and in no way as a threat to the

relationships. The context, even when David resorted to his

"Principal's voice", was one of classroom or individual

management. A situation of negotiation maintaining individual and

mutual respect and self-image. As such, this

provided a firm basis for children learning. This approach is

supported, too, in the literature on creative teachers'

(Woods, 1995; Woods & Jeffrey, 1996) and accounts of enhanced

professionalism (Woods, et al, 1997).

 

Certainly, the teacher/student relationships at Rana were very close'.

Partly, this can be attributed to the size factor,

as both teachers have said in a small school you're never off duty'.

However, it seems to have more to do with an

attitude of involvement, as Mark commented: "It's them [teachers]

being with the children all the time. I think it's

great". At both Recess and Lunch, the teachers are out in the

playground, often joining in games and participating

in activities. Throughout, parents and pupils placed particular

emphasis upon these close, personal, relationships

as one of the defining characteristics of Rana Primary. As such, these

relationships were strongly reflected in

comments from the teachers about the enjoyment' they derived from

their teaching (see, Woods, et al, 1997). The

 

 

relationships with the children, and the benefits this held for the

teacher, were also a particular aspect noted by Sally

Dean:

 

The one thing, at every other school I've been at - you don't play

with the kids - you keep your distance -

they're over there, you're over here sort of thing. Whereas, out

there, at lunch if someone said lets play

handball' [we do], you could also get pleasure from being with them

as children, as well as just teaching

them. That was really good.

Creating Responsibility and Self-Confidence

Another significant issue involved the sense of responsibility' the

pupils were given by the teachers, both in terms

of the content and issues of relationships:

 

[Principal] has said heaps of things we should do - and we've been

doing wrong - we've fixed all of these

things - and it's become more fairer now. He says this is what we

should do' and this is what we

shouldn't do' - every couple of days we write down what we're going

to do and what we're going to

change of each other. It's like - well, when we write down those

things it's like a commitment.

I: And that's a good idea?

Yeah - it's a pretty good idea. It gives you some responsibility.

(Petra)

 

At Rana school some unique characteristics exerted considerable

influence upon the student perceptions of their

learning. One important factor was the multi-aged context allowing for

teaching to stages rather than the age-grading

approach. This has important consequences for both relationships and

for teaching/learning, and all pupils saw this

as beneficial:

 

Instead of working on your own, if you've got a problem you've got

another person next to you to ask to

help you out with it. It's just like one big class instead of just

1,2,3... It's better to be all together.

(Colin)

 

However, and thus applicable to all contexts, is the notion of working

together', including student-as-teacher' and

teacher-as-student'. In other words, there was an interactive

partnership of learning characterising the context,

where both teacher and student took responsibility for their own

learning. This peer support approach provided a

teaching context where pupils had access across levels of ability, they

were encouraged to work for their self' and

their learning style', at their ability, but while challenging,

encouraging and supporting them to extend themselves.

Equally, teachers actively engaged in their own learning with and from

the children as well. This was particularly

evident in terms of computers which were one of the most commonly

mentioned aspects of recent developments at

the school:

 

Well, we got the computers. I think that's good for us because we

can send E-mail and all that. Hear

more about people on the other side of the world. (Kat)

 

David had set developing greater awareness, also in a critical sense,

of computer technology as one of his central

objectives for 1996. This entailed the children learning computer

 

 

skills, encouraged to discover' for themselves and

then act as teachers' for both peers and staff, becoming familiar with

the technology, its strengths and limitations

as a tool for learning. During their classwork, it was noticeable that

many pupils would use' the computer as a

resource, including the Internet and various CD-ROM resources, as well

as using the library. Furthermore, the

school developed its own Home Page on the internet, and an ongoing

process is seeing each pupil develop their own

page, along with publishing their stories and other material. The

pupils also correspond with other schools,

nationally and internationally, using the E-mail. This has contributed

not only to their awareness of the technology,

but to a widening' of their horizons and communicative skills.

 

Throughout all aspects of teaching and learning, each child was seen as

an individual, and an emphasis put on a

caring and sharing relationship. The children were allowed to make

mistakes', and encouraged to take responsibility

for their own learning and development. Both teachers were constantly

alert for all the nuances of the experiences

of the children, and were not averse to providing emotional support.

The emphasis at Rana was upon an

individualised approach to learning', varied and interactive,

contributing to creative learning' where "pupils have

control over their own learning processes, and ownership of the

knowledge produced, which is relevant to their

concerns" (Woods, 1995:3).

 

This approach also appeared to contribute to a view that learning' was

something that would continue throughout

their lives, as Mark commented he would always "be learning, no end".

Perhaps, then, an outcome of such

relationships and teaching approaches is the development of that

elusive notion of lifelong learning'. Certainly, it

does indicate that where experiences and perceptions are positive,

where interest is engaged, and the self is

developed, an allegiance to learning is encouraged, but this requires a

multifaceted set of contents and relationships,

particularly in the nature of the teaching approach (see, Woods, 1995;

Woods & Jeffrey, 1996). In other words,

this is not something which can be assumed to be created but rather is

something which requires careful development

and nurturing. That they were successful in this was shown by Sally

Dean's comments:

 

The kids had a lot more personality, and were a lot more outspoken

than in other schools that I've been

in. That's probably because there is only a few of them - so, they

have the opportunity to speak out more

- where, if there are 30 in the class, then the children are

suppressed more. But, here, because they're

more outspoken, and also I think they feel more comfortable in their

setting, they're prepared to let you

know those things. I reckon they're encouraged, too. Like, with

David and them - he trains them to just

be themselves, and not just do this', do that'. To stand up for

themselves.

 

Discussion

 

The case present in this paper is not to convey some notion of an

idyllic' setting, and certainly there is an ongoing

reflection and development at the school. There have been, and

undoubtedly will continue to be, situations where

some things are not working', where changes of pupils, parents, staff,

 

 

as well as those deriving from social

conditions and political reforms' of education exert influence. The

point that is being made, however, is that the

participants still view this school in general as one that works', one

that creates an environment in which learning

is valued and engaged in by all. This, then, provides a basis upon

which further reflection-in-action can seek to

continue with the processes of becoming' a learning community. This

is a process and not a product, it is ongoing

and developmental, an outcome of history, relationships, teaching and

leadership processes and styles, and not

something that can be implanted' or created without consideration of

every aspect. What also emphatically emerges

is that underpinning the learning community' is the creative

teacher'. That without the influence of the way these

teachers undertook their tasks, their approach to children learning and

relationships, focus on processes rather than

content', and the creation of contexts where the development of the

self is central, Rana would not be the school

it is.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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