Contested Realities: Identity, PETE and Models of Understanding
By
K. Leann Brown
Introduction
Research into physical education teacher education (PETE) has always
concerned itself with issues relating to the professional aspect of
teacher education and has not looked beyond what happens in the
classroom or on teaching rounds. This is not to say that issues which
impact upon teaching and learning, such as the hidden curriculum, and
gender issues in PETE, have not been investigated. This study has
attempted to look beyond the classroom influences on PETE students'
identity construction by specifically investigating activities and
areas previously deemed beyond the scope of PETE research. This may be
partially due to the belief that access into the student social world
was too difficult or 'risky', or that what students do in their own
time is irrelevant. Skelton (1993) argues, when reflecting upon
personal experiences in PETE, that it is important to investigate the
student social world given that the informal culture of students, may
actually undermine teaching and learning approaches in PETE.
It may also be possible to argue that academics working in PETE believe
that the 'education' they are providing, is a sufficient counter to
many of the 'social' influences that impacted upon and shaped young
prospective teachers' lives. It is quite evident, particularly in
research on drug and alcohol use among university students, that, for
the most part, students tend to reject the knowledge gained from
'education' in preference to adhering to an 'expected' and very
entrenched, traditional heavy drinking pattern (Brown, 1995; London &
Duquette, 1989; Tryon, 1992).
This project is entitled 'I Can Be This !', and investigates how
student expectations, experiences and involvement in PETE impacts upon
and shapes identity construction. The project began with the premise
that identity construction, students' personal investment in physical
education teacher education (PETE), their image making, sexuality, and
drinking behaviour, were all closely interrelated. From this, the
following research questions were developed:
How do physical education students construct identity within the
cultural context of professional socialisation ?
How much do students invest in terms of identity development in
physical education ?
How are ideals and realities of sexuality constructed through physical
education socialisation processes ?
What is the role of the 'cultural classroom' in identity development ?
Identity, in the context of this study, is viewed as an evolving entity
(Wexler, 1992) that is constructed within a range of given contexts
(Tait, 1995). Giddens (1991) argues that self-identity is a reflective
achievement where the narrative of identity has to be shaped and
altered in relation to the changing circumstances of one's social life.
There has also been the deliberate attempt to investigate identity and
the concept of investment as complementary occurrences in order to gain
a greater understanding of how individuals position themselves within
"frames of reference which themselves are socially reproduced" (p.205).
In this instance, the frames of reference being the social ordering
processes occurring within the Identity Playground. Identity
Playground is the term used to describe,
"...the way that students 'play around' with, or construct identity in
relation to the activities and rules of the Cultural Classroom; a place
of learning which has potentially as much, if not more, impact as that
which occurs in 'formal' classrooms or gymnasiums (Brown, 1997, p.6)."
What has emerged in the study is that the links which were anticipated
are clearly evident, stronger and much more 'socially' oriented than
was originally expected. This paper is intended to provide an overview
of these findings, to present The Social Order Model and the rules of
'membership' for the relevant social groups, to highlight some of the
'contested realities' in relation to students' experiences of
'becoming' a physical educator, and finally, to outline issues related
to the impact of the Social Order on PETE and students' lives, as
physical education teachers, upon graduation.
From Data to Theory
The initial plan to investigate student social activities and 'what it
all means' was undertaken in order to 'try out' and 'ground' the
research questions in data. Part of this process was to pilot a series
of interview questions with a group of students who have 'lived' the
PETE experience for four years. The aim was to use the information
collected as part of a 'crystallisation' process (Richardson, 1994). A
process, which is described as providing researchers with a "deepened,
complex, thoroughly partial, understanding of the topic", where "we
know more and doubt what we know" (Richardson, 1994, p.522).
I was expecting that the information gained would be a way to 'check'
and compare experiences of an older group of students with those of
first year students who may not be able, or prepared, to 'tell all'.
The fourth year students were selected as they were about to leave the
university environment and it was felt that they would be more prepared
to honestly fill me in on what happens within the student social world
and how this impacts upon, and is part of, identity construction within
PETE. I had not planned to conduct more than two focus groups (1 male
and 1 female) and one or two follow up interviews. This plan quickly
changed, given the depth of information elicited and the willingness of
students to participate in further in-depth interviews. There appeared
to be a need on behalf of some of the participants, to 'get it (issues)
off their chest' and let me know how things 'really' operate within
physical education, their social world and how this has impacted on
them as individuals within PETE.
As part of the data collection process, I also attended a number of the
formally organised student social functions where I observed, took
field notes and photographed the activities and interactions of
students. The combination of methods allowed me closer contact with
the students' 'real world' so that the data and findings could be
"grounded" (Patton, 1990). During data collection, I tried to have as
little impact on what was happening as possible, but found that
students were generally willing, whether they were formally involved in
the study or not, to tell me about the social world and their
activities within it. Taraborrelli (1993) describes how ethnographers
sometimes require 'big ears and little mouths'. This was certainly the
case during interactions with students in this study.
Data from the fourth year group formed the basis from which the Social
Order model (see figure 1) was initially developed. There were a
number of common themes such as expectations about drinking, sexuality,
and the 'rules of membership' for various social groups which emerged
from the data in relation to how students saw and experienced life as a
physical education student. From a theoretical point of view,
according to Morse (1992),
'Individuals respond and create meanings in situation, and this meaning
is shared. Grounded theory, therefore, provides a means for eliciting
these meanings and for describing the psychological and social
processes that have been developed to assist people in making sense of
their world." (p.257).
Data and analysis did not occur at two separate stages of the study, as
Taraborrelli (1993) suggests, rather, both occurred as a part of a
reflective process where specific interest points were noted and
developed into either 'new lines of inquiry', or analytical themes.
These themes were then developed into a social order model using a
grounded theory approach (Patton, 1990; Strauss & Corbin, 1990;
Taraborelli, 1993). Strauss and Corbin (1990) suggest that a creative
approach in grounded theory work is vital as it forces researchers to
"break through assumptions and to create a new order out of the old"
(p.27). The next phase of the analytical process was, as Taraborrelli
(199 ) describes, to "generate an explanation of the relationships
between the concepts." (p.181).
After further data collection and analysis with first year students and
'checking' with a second group of fourth years, the various components
of the model has changed relatively little. What altered, or emerged
through reflective processes, was the depth of understanding and
insight into the Social Order and some of the individual experiences
that have occurred within it. Working with the first year students was
invaluable, in that they were describing their perceptions of events
and experiences and what being part of PETE and the social world meant
to them as it was actually being lived. In some instances this allowed
me to observe the social ordering processes occurring, while allowing
for the further development of the model. In order to capture this
lived experience, data collection occurred just prior to, or just
after, key events or activities in the lives of newly enrolled PETE
students. For example, there were focus group interviews prior to
enrolment to investigate expectations about being a PE student, and
focus groups and interviews during 'O week' to investigate the impact
of specific functions conducted for 'orientation' into university life.
The Social Order
The Social Order is largely a 'descriptive model' which I believe may
have significant theoretical implications for PETE. The model itself
is comprised of three main sections: The Identity Playground, PETE and
Memories (figure 1).
(Figure 1)
The basic premise of the model is that the activities occurring within
the Identity Playground are mirrored and reflected in some way within
PETE, and in the wider 'ex-graduate' physical education community
(Memories). A rationale for, and brief description of, each component
of the model will be provided. It is important to note however, that
what has been presented should be considered as 'work in progress'.
There has also been a deliberate attempt to keep the Social Order model
open and flexible in order for it to be adapted to different research
situations.
Identity Playground
There are two main parts to this section: 'The Arrival' and the 'Social
Order' (figure 2).
(figure 2)
The Arrival
When students first enter PETE at Ballarat there appears to be the
belief that 'we've made it', that we're all the same, all trackies.
The only clearly identifiable means by which the social ordering
process occurs, is by students actively 'sussing out' each other on the
following: 'physical appearance', TER scores, who are the elite
athletes, who the 'locals' from the area, and then, everyone else.
Introductory activities occurring in the Identity Playground,
particularly during 'O week', play an important part in students
beginning to learn about each other, what 'expectations' there are of
physical education students within the social world (real and/or
perceived), and how individuals react to these expectations. These
experiences, students' responses to them, and how students 'perform' in
human movement laboratories once classes commence, signify the start of
a significant phase in the social order filtering process.
The main phase of the filtering process, whether by choice or by
rejection, shows students moving into one of the social levels detailed
below. The notion of having a choice in this process, relates to what
activities and behaviours students are prepared to participate in, in
order to gain acceptance within the various groups. In contrast, the
notion of rejection in the Identity Playground generally, means
non-acceptance by student peers and consequently a 'lower' place in the
social order.
From interviews conducted with first year students over a period of
eleven months, there was a slow, but clearly evident 'social' pattern
emerging, similar to that described by fourth year students. By the
end of this eleven month data collection period, some of the first year
participants were able to describe the more 'conspicuous' groups and
had started to adopt the same 'language' as the fourth years when
referring to activities and behaviours occurring in the social world.
Th Identity Playground Social Order: A Description
"It seems to be the way, that a lot of the groups are formed through
social means".
There appears to be six specific social levels, or groups, operating
within PETE; the 'IN-Groups, 'OUT-Groups', 'Outcasts', 'Loners', 'Above
it All', and 'Transients'. These levels are generally viewed in a
hierarchical manner (by students) and there are a range of attributes,
behaviours and 'unspoken rules' which determine 'membership' into the
specific social groups. It is important to note that even though
students are aware of the divisions that separate the various groups
and their own personal position within the social order, positioning
and group membership is not always openly labelled. However, even
though this is the case, many students were able to describe the group
members, the unspoken rules and how the social order functions. In
addition, they provided the language used to both name and describe the
social sorting processes that occur. This language and the students'
voices have been reflected within the model presented and where
possible, in the descriptions and interpretations of 'how it all
works'. It is also important to note that many of the participants
involved in the study (so far) have viewed drafts of the model and have
had significant input into trying to make sure, from their point of
view, that 'I got it right'. The collaborative discussions about the
model and the social order provided an even greater insight into the
students' view of the social world where the questions I had previously
devised, and asked, had failed to find the meaning and depth of
understanding that I was looking for (Brown, 1995).
Rules of Membership
'IN-Groups': General Attributes
"It would be something like GREASE wouldn't it..with 'The Boys' and
'The Girls' at the top"
The 'IN-groups' are viewed as being in a league of their own, the "tall
poppies". There are certain 'physical' attributes which, for some, gain
them automatic membership into the group. These attributes relate to
individuals having the 'right image', which in some senses is difficult
to determine, but generally relates to adhering to what the students
perceive as the 'phys ed' stereotype; the fit, athletic, good at sport,
"all-rounder type people", who conform to the 'body' aspects of
physical educators. In addition, there are general criteria for
membership into this group which applies equally to both males and
females. These 'unspoken rules', relate to the modus operandi and
social behaviour which is considered acceptable to the 'IN-crowd'. If
students aren't members based on any of the previous physical criteria,
then other factors are used as part of a 'trading' process in order to
try and fit the required 'group identity' and image. Wexler (1992)
views identity as an evolving entity or largely transactional process
where the self, or identity, is the valued product and is the 'payoff'
for having useable interactional resources. He argues, that in the
interchanges that occur during this trade process, there are some
'personal resources' which are largely ignored, while others are sought
after and "affirmed as collectively valuable" (p.7). In PETE, the
degree to which individuals are accepted into this group is "largely
determined by their willingness to participate and trade in the
socially accepted behaviours and activities." (Brown, 1997).
IN-Group members are expected to be outspoken and it is generally felt
that, "if you are shy you won't get far", in or with this group. In
addition, confidence, being outgoing, extroverted, and displaying a
certain degree of "arrogance" may help your standing within this group.
Other attributes that are considered important are: being humorous
("able to drop a few one liners"); being "brand type people", being a
regular socialiser who can both impress and be stupid occasionally,
drinking lots, and getting involved in "bagging" (put downs) while
helping to maintain the 'cliqueyness' of the group, where members are
"not differing that much from each other.."
Members of this group are seen as conforming to the image of being
'highly sexually active', where they are expected to pick up, flirt and
fool around. The importance of this aspect of membership is not to be
underestimated as there appears to be strong links between the 'body
beautiful' aspect of membership and being viewed as sexually desirable
and therefore sexually active.
In terms of what belonging to this group means to the academic life of
a PETE student, individuals are "not allowed to be too serious about
your work", and are viewed as "brainier if you don't pay attention and
you can get good results." This means that sitting in the D to fail
row is acceptable practice (the back rows of lecture theatres or
classrooms). It is also acceptable, and often expected, that IN-group
members will develop more of a 'social relationship' with lecturers
rather than an academic one. The idea is to, "act up and [have] a bit
of humour with the lecturer and get them involved," so the lecturers
relate to them on their terms and at their level.
Finally, nothing is private in the IN-group and members can't expect to
be part of the activities of this group without their behaviour being
carefully scrutinised, discussed, bagged and judged. Those students
who are 'really' IN must ensure that they maintain a certain standard
and reputation once membership is achieved. This standard is also
evident in terms of who the IN-group members are allowed to socialise
with, especially in the 'lower' social groups. A good rule of thumb is
that you "Don't obviously socialise with 'Outcasts' when IN-group
members are around," if at all. Generally, it is important to, "act
the right way, speak the right way, and to the right people."
Interaction with lower group individuals is okay if nobody who can
judge you is around or if you are outside the confines of the social
circle.
The IN-group always retain an 'unspoken' right to veto entry and
acceptance even if you have conformed and achieved all other criteria.
The methods for failure at this point of time are not as clear as the
rules of entry and acceptance. It appears that having the right
"attitude" and similar beliefs are vitally important in determining
complete acceptance.
Even though these are the general rules for all students within the
IN-group , there are some specific attributes, rules and
characteristics that are specifically gender oriented. The gender
related expectations, has resulted in the 'The Boys' being more IN and
of a slightly higher standing than the 'The Girls'. This gender
oriented grouping structure means that in some instances, the males and
females tend to come together for social interactions less frequently
at the IN-Group level, than at lower levels.
'The Boys'
" have to be seen as pretty cool..they are on show all the time."
One of the most important factors for survival and on-going membership
in 'The Boys' group, is to conform to the group norms and make sure you
have the right attitudes. Generally, there are few behavioural
boundaries in place and there is an 'anything goes' mentality amongst
the members. Membership is a vitally important concept to these
individuals and it is highlighted by sentiments such as, "You are a
strong individual within a strong group." Once accepted, the members
know that it is important to, "stick together and do things together".
According to one transient member of 'The Boys' group: "The major
members of the group wouldn't move into other groups they just always
stay within that group." Moving outside their exclusive circle is
viewed as potentially damaging to their 'close knit' structure.
Members moving outside are open to ridicule and 'bagging' until they
either conform, or move away from the group totally.
For males, the 'body' aspect is important and group members must fit
the image of the 'masculine physedder'. This aspect is inherently tied
up with notions of sexuality in that members believe that you,
'wouldn't want to do certain behaviours that would...you wouldn't want
to act in a homosexual way...the rules are there." However, in some
respects, the homophobic aspect to membership is 'bastardised' to suit
male bonding activities and behaviours that are expected once
membership is gained. It is expected that 'The boys' are highly
sexually active, which is highlighted by the statement that, "..we're
just walking hormones," and that they participate in overt sexual
behaviour. This may involve flirting with members of both sexes,
picking up (only females), and where appropriate members are involved,
participation in 'gay play' activities. The gay play is reserved for
only the most 'IN' members of the group and if any other members try to
participate, their sexual orientation is questioned and they are
labelled as homosexual (Brown, 1997). There are no boundaries to the
extent of the gay play if it is seen as being done in jest or for the
entertainment benefit of the group.
Another important criteria for acceptance is being 'socially active' in
a way that achieves and maintains 'legend status' for both individuals
within the group and the group itself. The importance of this was
expressed by a student who stated that ,
"...the social side is the key to the door. If you sort of go out and
party hard and drink and so whatever, and if you vomit in a certain
place, people sort of put their hands up in the air and say, 'GO FOR IT
!'......That's a legend and therefore that helps you be more accepted
by the group."
The heavy drinking aspect is strongly related to notions of acceptance,
membership and doing things that are fun, stupid and provide group
members with entertainment. In terms of gaining acceptance, it is
believed that this form of behaviour would "give you a few bonus
points." This group also assumes responsibility for initiation
activities (predominantly for males) that occur in the Identity
Playground. This is done in order to identify students who can party
hard, act up and be involved and who may be deemed appropriate for
acceptance into 'The Boys' group. Upon reflection on the initiation
process, one transient member of 'The Boys' group indicated that, " I
wanted to be initiated as such. I think a lot of people would want to
be initiated into the group." Initiation is a method of being
recognised as doing something that will gain notoriety. A large number
of the initiation activities revolve around drinking ability though
drinking games such as funnels, boatraces and sculling. In addition,
the initiation activities are often designed for a degree of
humiliation and embarrassment of first year students and making sure
they are inducted into understanding the 'way it is' in the student
social world. One such incident was in relation to first year students
drinking funnels where, according to one of the 'IN-Boys' who organised
the event, "Instead of beer in the funnels it was piss [urine], in a
few funnels..."
Gaining acceptance into 'The Boys' group appears to be much more
stringently controlled than entry into 'The Girls' group. According to
one student,
"You'd have to work at it for a while..if you wanted to get into The
boys' group you'd have to socialise with them and hang out with
them...over time it would work, but it would also depend whether or not
they would accept you."
'The Girls'
Like 'The Boys', 'The Girls' are subject to few behavioural boundaries.
However, sexual behaviour comes under much closer scrutiny than in
'The Boys' group. This may simply mirror attitudes reflected in the
broader community where females who are sexually active may be
'labelled' as promiscuous, or worse. However, if the females who are
deemed to be sexually 'promiscuous' and are closely aligned to 'The
Boys' group, then there are fewer incidences of 'labelling' or bagging
and this does not necessarily change that individual's membership or
acceptance in 'The Girls' group. Generally, being highly sexually
active is accepted and expected.
Conformity is another key factor in being accepted. One female, who
has struggled for acceptance into this group over a number of years,
stated that, 'I wonder what they are thinking..so..if they are thinking
negative thoughts then I would want to know how I could improve it so I
could stay in the group."
'OUT-Groups'
The next social level is known as the 'OUT-Groups' (males and females).
Individuals located within this level are generally aware that they
are socially 'out of it'. There doesn't appear to be a stringent set
of membership rules for these groups, but their lower order place
appears to be dictated from above. Obviously, if you are not 'IN' then
you are 'OUT'. Some of the reasons why people may find themselves
within this level relates to individuals not achieving, or naturally
possessing, the attributes 'expected' of 'IN' group individuals. Any
'appearance' factors which are not closely aligned with the masculine
expectations of being a PE student immediately places the student into
a 'suspect' (sus) category. Their sexual orientation is often judged
from the way they look. Also, behaviour required to be labelled in
this way does not have to amount to much and just being a SNAG
(Sensitive New Age Guy), rather than overtly masculine, will place you
into this category. In fact, 'active' participation in classes that
are compulsory in PETE, such as dance, may be all that is required for
male students to be labelled 'sus'. For example;
"Just the way he dresses and the way he looks..his actual physical
appearance. What he does, such as dancing......recalling our first
year dance, he was a dancer so to speak. So people with the stereotype
of the dancer and the associated things with that....people always sort
of questioned him.....I know he is looked down upon and he would be
down the ladder for that reason."
What 'saves' this particular male from being in the outcast group is
that he has other attributes that are considered acceptable, but not
acceptable enough to gain him entry into the 'IN' group.
Location in the 'OUT-group' may also be associated with individuals
rejecting some of the social norms and behavioural traits expected by
the 'IN-Group'. Some individuals see themselves in this social group
because their attitudes are different to those who are 'higher'. One
non-conformist felt that,
"I'm not at one end where I am totally excluded, I am not a full on
loner or anything..but I am not right up at the top either because I'm
not the sort of person who...I mean I go out more now, but I mean some
of the guys they just want to drink all the time and that sort of thing
and I'm just not interested...I don't care about being accepted and
behaving in a way that makes me a person that I am not. I'm not trying
to keep up or match their behaviour at all."
'Outcasts'
When a 'higher' group member was asked what makes some people
'Outcasts', his response was:
"..things they wear, what they do with their hair, how they look, what
they say, what they do. Maybe they are outcasts cause they don't go
out drinking with everyone else, or never seen partying."
They are also described as being quiet, avoiding group functions and
not going out much with the PE students, "they don't make an effort."
If these students do venture to a PE social function, it is perceived
that, "they don't speak to other people in the in-group, they don't
make an effort to...they might not think it very important."
There is an expectation that it is up to these individuals to make all
the effort in relation to communicating with higher level groups.
However, this appears to be offered as an excuse for why very few of
the higher group members will speak to them. 'Outcasts' are pretty
much seen as being on the bottom of the social order and are often
treated as such. There is the general perception that there is nothing
about these people that would make them remotely acceptable within the
higher order groups while in the confines of the university, or at any
PE related social function. Occasionally, members from higher groups
will mix with them out of the university scene and only if other
members of the social order won't find out about it. Socialising with
outcasts may affect your acceptance within the higher order groups.
Members who are on the fringe of the in-group may, on occasions, talk
to the outcasts at social functions, but they are very aware of being
judged. One female stated:
"I would sit on the table with the in-group but I'd also then go over
and talk with some of the people from the outcasts and it was just
like,...some of the in-group are looking at me as if to say, well what
are you doing over there...you are aware of what the others think."
Individuals may also become further rejected and entrenched in this
group if they make 'too much' effort to be like the higher order
IN-groups. This appears to be more of an issue for females, than
males. Females in this group who try to gain acceptance by being as
sexually 'active' as 'The Girls' are automatically labelled as having
'reputations'. 'The Boys' view these females as 'easy' and, "don't
hold them in high regard in the first place." In some cases they, "use
them in a way, I suppose you could say, just for sexual purposes and
that was probably it. I mean it is a harsh way to say it but I guess
I'm straight to the point..."
Individuals are also placed into this group if they are viewed as being
'suspect' where, "people question their sexuality and therefore they're
viewed upon a little bit negatively". In addition, females in this
group may be labelled as 'sus' even when merely displaying affection
towards a friend,. There are constant rumours about, and 'bagging' of,
these individuals.
"they ['The Boys'] just go up and sit behind and say she's a dyke and
stuff like that..they think its great...a great turn on...in lectures
she sits down the front, and I have probably done it too, people will
be like whispering about her behind her back..."
Another student said that "you don't expect it in phys ed." This sort
of rumour/bagging has been used by males against females in trying to
negotiate sexual encounters. One student said, "it was one of the guys
who told her...he was trying to pick her up and wasn't succeeding."
Any emotional consequences that 'Outcasts' experience as a result of
bagging is not viewed as important and the 'IN-groups' (particularly
'The Boys') part in it is disregarded. Bagging is based on rumour,
suspicion and is often done for 'sport'.
Other characteristics relate to the 'Outcasts' perceived inability at
sport and that they don't 'get in and have a go'. Whether they feel
intimidated by the higher groups is not relevant. They should be able
to get in and have a good 'dip' regardless, and if they don't, they
haven't proven their worth, have let the team down and perhaps
shouldn't be doing PE.
'Loners'
The 'Loners, as individuals, could be located at the bottom of the
social order, to the side of all the groups, or even above the
'IN-Groups'. From the higher group's perspective, "if you are a loner
and study all the time I think that you are less accepted than if you
go out on the regular Thursday nights." In addition, the 'Loners'
don't tend to associate themselves with any particular group, and are
often considered as 'jokes' by higher order groups. Being considered a
joke may mean that the majority of other students don't give you the
time of day, "they aren't given a second thought".
'Above it All'
'Loners' may also be described as being individuals who are known as
'Above it All'. Some of the students in this group were undertaking
Honours and chose to forego some, or all, of the PETE student social
events. There is the tendency to describe these students as thinking
that they're too good for the rest of the students. Mature age
students may also make their way into this group for rejecting, or not
participating in the social scene.
'Transients'
The 'Transients' are the individuals who have the 'social freedom' to
move between, and be accepted by, most social groups within the social
order. 'Transients' may be members of different groups at different
times, but are able to forgo some of the stringent rules about not
being able to socialise with other group members.
These individuals appear to be able to move between the groups by being
able to change their behaviour and attitudes in order to fit the norms
of the group that they are entering into. They are also aware of how
their behaviour would be accepted by one group, but not by another.
For example,
"just being with some of the boys and some of the behaviours you get
up to...as in nudity and so on...if you did that in another group it
would be seen as....you would certainly be viewed in a different
manner."
PETE: Looking Beyond Professional Development.
By investigating the Identity Playground, it became evident that there
may be a strong interplay between The Social Order and what occurs in
PETE. At it's simplest, the activities and behaviours (inappropriate
or not in relation to 'moulding' prospective teachers) of students,
were reinforced by academics in PETE through their participation, both
openly and inadvertently, in practices which reinforce, reproduce and
help maintain the prevailing social order. Issues presented within
this section relate to how PETE reinforces the social order and UB
'traditions', encourages conformity, and finally, students perceptions
of how PETE and the social order may influence their future careers as
physical education teachers.
Reinforcing the Social Order
There have been classes offered during the first year in PETE which
students discussed in relation to reinforcing the establishing social
order. The practical classes, particularly Individual Conditioning
(fitness), appears to be notorious for this purpose, given that body,
sporting ability and being the PE stereotype are attributes which help
sort students into social categories. One students stated,
"That class [IC] did put you in your groups cos' you were socialising
in your own capability type of thing, and if you weren't up to scratch,
you were down in the lower group. Those people never really progressed
any further than that."
In addition, the placement of these 'lower' students was reinforced in
two main ways. Firstly, these students received little support:
"I.C, that really reinforces the groups as well cos' you have got the
ones that are dedicated and good at their sport and the very confident
ones, and then the ones that aren't that confident with their ability
to run or whatever. They're just run into the ground really. They
don't really get much encouragement. They're down and out."
Secondly, it appears to be quite 'well known' what the attitudes of
individual staff are towards the 'lower' students. Individuals in this
group are often publicly criticised for not being 'up to scratch'. The
display of disapproval or reinforcement of the students' social
standing by lecturers was described as 'put downs' which were then
often mimicked by other students. For example:
"..I know a lot of people who would get bagged if they were overweight
and were unfit and stuff like that. I can remember incidents like that
and the lecturer used to, you know, not be happy with that and then
other students would go, oh, yeah, she's fat and she's unfit and what
is she doing in PE type of thing."
Some students believed that certain members of staff actively sought
out 'like' students in terms of wanting to get on well with the
'IN-group' students. At the same time, IN group students identify with
staff members who are perceived to be 'like' them and who may be
supportive or 'turn a blind eye' to their out of class, and even inside
class 'social' activities. To this end, the 'IN' students actively try
to engage certain members of staff into joining in with some of their
milder forms of playground activities (drinking with 'The Boys,'
bagging). Staff who socialise with higher level groups run the risk of
being seen as 'actively' reinforcing the social order and the
behaviours which form part of the rules of membership for these groups.
One staff member was described as "reinforcing the groups...something
shocking !", and that even though there is the perception that everyone
gets on well with this lecturer, there are groups and individuals who
are openly rejected.
" He knows who the in groups are and he's sort of like...oh, yeah, I
want to be in with the in crowd and like, the outcasts, nuh, not going
to worry about you. I'll put you down, bag them and stuff like
that...he does it in class."
When this student was asked whether the 'outcasts' were aware of this
situation, the reply was, "...he does it right to their face and a lot
of them don't like him because, you know, he hasn't got a lot of time
for the ones who aren't in there..." In contrast, one of the males who
describes himself as a member of 'The Boys' related how the same
individual was viewed, "A bit like Yoda. Yoda off 'Return of the
Jedi'...He is just sort of the master, if you know what I mean. The
king of the domain I guess." He also acknowledged how this person was
important for 'future prospects' as he, "sort of seems to be the person
to know..."
Social Acceptance: Encouraging Conformity
Another practice which reinforces the notion of a physical education
'group identity' in PETE, is the PE tracksuit which students perceive
as being compulsory, and also a sign of membership.
"...when you have to buy the uniform you're conforming straight away
and you actually, in first year, wore it quite a bit and I used to
think, oh, you know, I am proud to be wearing this type of thing and
you wanted to wear it regardless of if you were at school or not, and
you put it on on a weekend or whatever...basically, wearing a track
suit wears a message."
Other students felt that it also reinforced the notion of 'sameness'
where "everyone is trying so hard to be like one type of person. Like
trying to fit the perfect image..." As previously stated, falling
outside the 'right image' may mean rejection. One student described
how financially she couldn't afford to purchase the uniform or other
image 'necessities' and how she felt ostracised as a result.
The Elite of the Elite
The single most 'memorable' introduction to university, which 'set the
scene' for a number of students interviewed, was their very first
introductory lecture and welcome during 'O week'. Students described
how this created and reinforced the impression that the PE students
were elite in some respects and should work towards maintaining a
certain standard and 'tradition' in PE at Ballarat, and live up to
'expectations'. An admirable gesture, but one which inadvertently
reinforced a whole series of different meanings for a large number of
the student audience as they had already been introduced to the
Identity Playground. One student believed that these early talks
reinforced and encouraged the 'over confident' and somewhat 'arrogant'
nature of some PE students which was played out through their
interactions with peers in the social world, ensuring that they lived
up to the 'tradition'. Which tradition is debatable; the professional
academic standing of the course, or the social traditions of the
Identity Playground. One student argued that,
" it's not the students that have these expectations, it's the
faculty, because I can remember on our first day -- came and spoke to
us on our first day and said, okay, we expect this and this of you and
you are the best in the university and all this other stuff, and ever
since then it's, oh, I'm a trackie type of thing and I've got the
confidence and I'm much better than anyone else...and then you place it
on everybody else as well, after they have learnt it type of thing...to
me you're making these people in front of you think they are much
better than anyone else in the university and I think that's where a
lot of the problem comes from."
A Teaching Career
There were contrasting beliefs as to how the participants believed they
would relate to students, as teachers, given their experiences within
the Identity Playground. One male student believed that he would put
all the student behaviour behind him and act more as a professional,
while still being able to take aspects of the image that he had
developed with him. However, if working in a situation where there are
other 'like' individuals or other ex-graduates, activites, behaviours
and attitudes learned in the identity playground may continue:
" If they are sort of akin to the people here, to our like...the other
students here that are within these groups [IN groups]. If they are
very much like that then it would be as though we are here [at uni]. I
can think of an example of rounds a couple of years ago where a couple
of teachers at Geelong High were very much old students , so to speak,
and they had done the course together and now they were teaching
together. Within appropriate times they were just the same as what
they would have been here and I guess if I was teaching next year with
a person from here I would be the same."
Experiences on teaching rounds also appears to be important in
reinforcing aspects of the Identity Playground. When students
experience a round with an ex-grad, there is the possibility of the
ex-grads reinforcing the PETE students' social activities or
're-living' their experiences of the identity playground with these
students (through stories and activities). This factor was highlighted
by a student who stated that,
"You actually see it on rounds. Who you want to hang out with. It's
better with the phys eds than the others. You are in the same faculty.
They are more outgoing and part of the image. You'd have to take it
with you. It's been a part of you for four years."
It was interesting that this particular student believed that she would
continue to try and live up to expectations of 'higher level'
individuals that she may teach with.
"I would have more of a joke with them, muck around type of thing.
Live up to their expectations...like you hear all the Phys. Ed.
teachers are always going out on Friday nights, getting blind and
whatever, so I would probably live up to that expectation."
When asked whether the social order and the 'expectations' upon
physical educators would ever change, one student believed that,
"I don't think they will. There is always going to be those
expectations and no matter whether you are a student doing PE at
school, or if you are here doing the course, or whether you are an
actual teacher...PE teacher...then those expectations are always going
to be there."
MEMORIES: An Unexpected Insight
The Memories component of the model (figure, 3) is largely hypothetical
at this point in time, as research specifically investigating the
influence of the social order on PETE graduates has not been
specifically a part of this research project. What has been presented
in the model has been drawn from the perceptions of students in
relation to the influence of their ex-graduate teachers on their
desire, and choice, to enter PETE. However, it is possible to propose
that there is a tendency for ex-graduates to report only the positive
nature of the 'Identity Playground' to prospective students independent
of whether or not they were actually members of an 'IN-group'. Given
the popularity of the BEd course at Ballarat, this is a strong
possibility and one warranting further investigation.
In addition, further research is required including both graduating
students and ex-graduate teachers, to gain a better insight into the
potential 'long-term' influence of The Social Order, the 'recruitment'
processes that appear to occurring in terms of attracting 'like'
students into PETE and how the social order may influence teaching
practice in physical education generally.
(figure, 3)
From the transcripts of students who participated in the fourth year
interviews, there appears to be some important factors which may
influence the construction of a 'PE Identity', which starts before
students enter the world of PETE, and continues after they leave. The
stories and examples that students related about their ex-grad PE
teachers and their experience in PETE, reflects only the positive
aspects of PETE and student socialising. This became a line of
questioning with first year students to investigate any common themes
emerging in relation to the influence of significant role models, and
preconceived expectations. Themes identified relate specifically to
the notion of a 'PE Identity' are: role models, glorification, and
reinforcing the PE stereotype.
Role Models
"I wanted to get stuck into it straight away so I could get out and be
like my PE teacher who seemed to have PE on everyday and every lesson.
It just seemed like the best life to have."
In terms of role modeling, it appears that most students participating
in the study had positive relationships and experiences with high
school physical education teachers who presented PETE in very positive
ways. One student believed that, "phys ed teachers had a life I would
envy...it seemed to me that they didn't do that much work...that's the
life and plus, I liked sport and all that stuff." When the students
described their high school teachers they often used the phrase 'good
role models'. The characteristics possessed by these teachers included
that they were,
"well liked, they were nice people, just generally. And fit. Lead a
good lifestyle and also, they had influences on me...one of them
graduated from here and he was the first that..I got the idea to come
to Ballarat".
The image that was discussed most frequently in relation to the
students' high school PE teachers was that they were 'cool' and had a
really cool image. Some of this 'coolness' was attributed to the way
that physical educators were seen within the school community and that
they, "were there more for the kids than to be friends with other
teachers." Others thought that the segregation and isolation of PE
staff in their own distinct area added to their appeal.
"...they had their own little department and they were kind of
extradited, but I thought that was kind of cool."
The segregation of PE teachers in schools and the perception of the
students that they have their own little world, may be a factor worth
considering in relation to the set up of the 'isolated', closed type
structures of PETE in this institution where there is little
encouragement, or perceived need, for students to move beyond the
boundaries of the PE social world.
Glorification
The influence of ex-graduate teachers on students' choices to attend
studies at Ballarat appears to be quite significant. The 'old school
tie' network is alive and well. The fact that many students attend UB
believing that the course (according to several students) would be all
fun and activity in the sun, is partially a reflection on how PETE and
the student social life is presented to students via their ex-graduate
teachers. One student stated that,'...hearing reports of all the fun
things that go on and like...windsurfing and stuff like that, and
camps...my PE teacher was always telling me about..all the fun stuff
that they got up to." Other students indicated that because their PE
teachers had come here and given the course a positive report, compared
to other courses, they decided to enrol at UB. For one particular
student, who didn't know what he wanted to be, the ideas and
suggestions of his highly regarded PE teacher were a sufficient
influence to want to do the BEd. course. According to this student; "I
didn't need much leading. I didn't know what the hell I was going to
do. I sort of was interested in phys ed and he just said Ballarat, and
I though oh, Ballarat, yeah..."
In relation to the social world, some students were provided with
details about the party scene. One student indicated that he was told
about, " some of the parties that he used to attend and some of the
functions. Just life in general" and that the teacher indicated that
while at UB he was, "Oblivious to everything for four years." In
addition,
"I didn't really hear much actually, apart from what my ex-phys. Ed.
Teacher was saying. He told me a story about drinking kegs, keg races,
and they had to finish so many kegs, barrels, and if you spewed then
everyone had to stop drinking for a five minute penalty, or something
along those lines."
The following section details what the fourth year students believe
about their future and how their experiences within the social order of
PETE will impact upon them professionally as teachers. These comments
were also considered during the formulation of the Memories model.
One of the most significant representations within this model, is the
notion of 'Our Year; Everyone Together', indicating (as some students
have proposed) that, by and large, ex-graduate PETE students create the
impression that, while at university, they are all one big happy
'family', a cohesive group. Factors which influence this belief may
include: having a relatively 'closed' course structure where there is
little interaction with students from other courses and the notion that
graduation may 'even the score' for some students.
No Conclusions: The Never-ending Story
In summary, what became strikingly evident during the research, was the
dramatic process of change for some of the first year students in
relation to their expectations of PETE and what it meant to be a PE
student once confronted with the 'reality' of the Identity Playground
and Social Order as they experienced it, and tried to make sense of it.
On the whole, first year students were either conscious of, or largely
oblivious to, how they may be 'pushed' along and moulded by the forces
at work in the Identity Playground. As students progress through
university they become more aware of these forces and where they 'fit'
into physical education.
As a researcher, I was touched by some of the conflicts that students
experienced during this process. Students who had high expectations of
PETE and the Identity Playground, as based on the stories of their
ex-graduate teachers, appeared to believe that they would be able to
'live' a similar, if not the same, experience as their role models.
Many are able to do this and fulfil their role in maintaining the
reproduction of traditions and attributes of physical education
students. Others desperately want to be 'part of it all', but find the
rules of membership in the Social Order inhibiting in terms of gaining
acceptance. Some struggle immensely, others do not. Those who
struggle eventually find their place within the social order and learn
to create their own 'reality', whether it be through conformity, or
rejection, of the values and behaviours occurring around them. For
others, it's a case of 'hanging in there' and trying to hold onto their
ideals. This was highlighted by the following statement.
"..there are some people there that make it all worth while and when
they are the minority...in my situation they are the minority, it makes
the fight even more worthwhile....I still remember Scoops and I think,
he got through it, he came out of it and I pass his photo and I still
think yep, Scoops, great, no worries. The big picture is still there."
There may be other factors which influence the continuation and
replication of the social order, and to some extent, the notion of a PE
identity beyond the ideas presented above. One aspect to consider is
the recruitment and student selection processes in PETE. Investigation
into the conduct of recruitment and whether, albeit subconsciously,
'like' individuals are selected (students who don't deviate much from
traditional PE stereotypes) and how much of an emphasis there is on the
'physical' as part of this process would be worthwhile. I am sure
selection officers would be aghast at this suggestion and the
implications inherent within it.
An issue which was raised on a number of occasions during this study,
relates to the idea that some students entering PETE do so in order to
adopt the 'image' and PE identity, rather than having a strong interest
in professional studies in teaching. This aspect of identity
construction warrants further investigation, particularly in relation
to how this appears to be linked with certain levels of the Social
Order, predominantly 'The Boys'. This group, as previously described,
strongly subscribe to many of the stereotypical aspects of being male
physical educators and on the whole are extremely resistant to change,
or any form of teaching and learning which may challenge their
subjective warrants (for work on subjective warrants see Swan, 1995).
The relevance of this resistance lies in the impact that these groups
have on the formal aspects of PETE. This is often evident in their
domination of classes, game-playing and 'sport' activities in lectures,
and their impact on learning outcomes for other students.
What has been presented is an overview of the Social Order operating
within the Identity Playground. As a paper, it was in no way intended
to be viewed as a completed work and there is still much to be done,
particularly in terms of analysis, on the links or 'reflections'
occurring between the Identity Playground and PETE. Stay tuned !
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